Estados expulsores y semipersonas en la Unión Europea

La aprobación en junio de 2008 por el Parlamento Europeo de la Directiva de retorno —denominada también Directiva de la infamia o Directiva de expulsión— consolida el proceso de involución que sobre los derechos humanos se viene produciendo en la Unión Europea desde que el miedo a la inmigración irregular se incardinó en sus instituciones. Si bien las legislaciones de extranjería de los años ochenta contenían normas que regulaban el internamiento y la expulsión no es hasta la Directiva 2001/40/CE que comienza a tomar forma una política comunitaria centrada en la inmigración irregular y las expulsiones de migrantes. Las medidas de retorno son, dice la Comisión europea, “una piedra angular de la política de migración de la UE”. Desde entonces, la barbarie de los centros de retención e internamiento, el socavamiento de los derechos y la exclusión y criminalización de los migrantes extranjeros se han convertido en el caballo de batalla de las asociaciones defensoras de los derechos humanos. La erosión que las legislaciones y medidas de expulsión están provocado en los derechos y libertades y en las instituciones del Estado de derecho es inmensa. El retroceso y la erosión en los derechos y libertades es tan grande que ya no es posible continuar hablando sin más de Estados de derecho en la UE, sino más bien de máquinas administrativas para el internamiento y la expulsión, de “Estados expulsores”(1), donde las personas extranjeras son tratadas como semipersonas (2) e incluso como“no-personas” (3).

Hallinnollinen sanktiointi

Tausta Suomessa lainsäätäjä reagoi helposti yhteiskunnalliseen häiriötekijään rikosoikeuden keinoin. Tästä on osoituksena se, että syksyllä 2010 varsinaisen rikoslain lisäksi rikoksesta oli säädetty 256 eri laissa. Suomalainen, lähtökohdiltaan maltillinen kontrolli- ja kriminaalipolitiikka on 1970-luvulla linjatun vastaisesti johtanut 2000-luvulle tultaessa rikosoikeudellisen kontrollin lisääntymiseen ja jopa kiristymiseen. Raja rikosten ja rikkomusten välillä on liudentunut ja paikoitellen kadonnut ja erityisesti turvallisuudesta on kehittynyt – käsitteeseen liittyvistä oikeudellisista jännitteistä huolimatta – keskeinen rikosoikeudellisen sääntelyn oikeutusperuste. Rikosoikeuden käyttäminen vähäisten rikosten kontrollointiin on aiheuttanut Suomeen viivästymisen ongelman. Yleisessä tiedossa on se, että Euroopan ihmisoikeustuomioistuin on antanut 2000-luvulla Suomelle kymmeniä tuomioita siksi, että rikosjuttuja on käsitelty viranomaisissa ja tuomioistuimissa liian kauan. Vähemmän on sen sijaan keskusteltu siitä, että myös vähäiset rikokset viivästyvät rikosoikeuden alan laajetessa ja viranomaisten voimavarojen ehtyessä. Suomessa ongelmaa on pyritty hoitamaan rikosoikeudellista toimivaltaa hallintoviranomaisille delegoimalla tilanteen ollessa nyt se, että uuden sakkomenettelylain voimaan tullessa noin 90 % rikosoikeudellisesta kompetenssista on poliisilla ja muilla hallintoviranomaisilla. Se taasen on ongelmallista perustuslain 3 §:ssä säädetyn vallanjakoperiaatteen kannalta. Välttämätöntä on korostaa myös sitä, että pääosin rikosoikeudelliseen kontrolliin perustuva systeemi aiheuttaa rikosoikeuden inflaatiota: rikosoikeuden arvostuksen vähenemisestä aiheutuvia ei-mittavissa olevia kuluja. Rikosoikeuden laajenemista vastaan esitetään kuitenkin harvoin kritiikkiä. Rikosoikeustieteen piirissäkään sille ei ole esitetty vakavasti otettavaa vaihtoehtoa. Esimerkiksi hallinnollisia sanktioita ei ole Suomessa – ei tosin muissa Pohjoismaissakaan – koettu rikosoikeuden vaihtoehtona, vaan usein rikosoikeutta täydentävänä järjestelmänä. Hallinnollisten sanktioiden käyttäminen rikosoikeuden ohessa ei ole ollut yksiselitteistä ja jäsenneltyä, yleisiin oppeihin perustuvaa. Kontrollin erityisille alueille, esimerkiksi sotilaskontrolliin, on lisäksi kehittynyt rikos- ja hallinto-oikeuden sekajärjestelmiä. Tutkimuskysymykset Käsillä olevassa artikkelimuotoisessa väitöskirjatutkimuksessa pyritään hahmottelemaan rikos- ja hallinto-oikeudellisten rangaistusjärjestelmien välisiä eroavaisuuksia Suomessa. Tutkimuksen keskeisin tehtävä on sen pohtiminen, millä tavalla 2010-luvulle tultaessa olisi tutkimuksen empiiriset ja teoreettiset lähtökohdat huomioon ottaen järkevää ja tarkoituksenmukaista rangaista. Tällä perusteella kehitetään yksikertaista hallintosanktiointiteoreettista mallia, että sitä hyväksikäyttäen lainvalmisteluprosessin sanktiointitilanteessa, sanktiosta päätettäessä, olisi mahdollista asettaa oikeusturvan vähimmäistakeet täyttävällä tavalla oikeus- ja muilta vaikutuksiltaan rationaalinen seuraamus sekä säätää sen määräämiseksi yhteiskunnallisilta vaikutuksiltaan tehokas ja riittävän oikeusturvallinen menettely. Tutkimustehtävä on tiivistetysti 1) hallinnollisten sanktioiden ja rikosoikeudellisten rangaistusten ja niiden alan määrittäminen, 2) hallinnollisten sanktioiden sääntelymallien valintaperusteluiden selvittäminen, 3) hallintosanktioteoreettisen mallin kehittäminen lainvalmisteluprosessia varten sekä 4) de lege ferenda -suositusten tekeminen rangaistavuuden hyväksyttävyyden ja joutuisuuden parantamiseksi. Menetelmä ja aineistot Tutkimus kytkeytyy teoreettisen rikosoikeustieteen, hallinto-oikeustieteen ja prosessioikeustieteen alalle ja se on luonteeltaan ongelmakeskeinen. Tieteenalojen väliset painotukset ja niiden vaikutus vaihtelevat tutkimuksessa. Vaikka tutkimus on monella tavalla luonteeltaan teoreettinen, siinä rakennetaan nimenomaan lainsäädäntötyötä ja lainvalmistelua tukevaa tutkimusta ja teoriaa. Tältä osin näkökulma liittyy kriminalisointiteoreettisessa tutkimuksessa hahmotettuun lainsäätäjän oikeuslähdeoppia koskevaan uuteen näkökulmaan, jolla on yhteyksiä lainsäädäntötutkimukseen ja oikeusteoriassa hahmotettuun legisprudence-tutkimusuuntaukseen, näkökulman suuntautuessa lainsäädäntötasolle. Tutkimuksen lähteistä suurin osa on oikeustieteellistä kirjallisuutta, jonka pääosa muotoutuu suomalaisesta oikeustieteellisestä kirjallisuudesta. Myös pohjoismaalaista, saksalaista ja hieman myös anglosaksista kirjallisuutta on käytetty. Kansainvälisten kirjallisuuslähteiden merkitys ei ole ollut merkittävä, koska kattava eurooppalainen näkemys aihepiiristä on pyritty saamaan Euroopan ihmisoikeustuomioistuimen ratkaisukäytäntöä hyödyntäen. Tutkimuksen lähteinä on käytetty laajasti myös kansallista lainvalmisteluaineistoa, erityisesti hallituksen esityksiä ja perustuslakivaliokunnan lausuntokäytäntöä. Johtopäätökset Kriminaali- ja/tai kontrollipolitiikassa on juuri nyt tärkeää pohtia, millä tavalla 2010-luvulle tultaessa on järkevää ja tarkoituksenmukaista rangaista. Tähän voisi olla mahdollista vastata tutkimuksessa kehitettävällä hallintosanktiointiteoreettisella mallilla. Mallin kehittäminen on edellyttänyt yhteiskunnallisten sanktiokäytäntöjen oikeusvaltioopillista tarkastelua, jolloin sanktioiden yhteiskunnalliseen merkitykseen pureutuminen kuvailee myös sitä, millainen modernin oikeusvaltion tila tällä hetkellä on. Perinteisten oikeusvaltioiden paradigmojen käyttäminen ei välttämättä edistä relevantin oikeusvaltiollisen sanktiointiteoreettisen mallin kehittämistä. Voi olla niinkin, että klassinen oikeusvaltio-oppi ja oletetunlaiset rikosoikeuden erityiset elementit eivät enää vastaa yhteiskuntatodellisuutta. Näin rankaisemisen yleiset opit voivat nousta kehittämisen kohteeksi oikeusvaltiollisuuden elementtien toteuttamiseksi valtavasta kasvaneessa hallintoyhteiskunnassa – hallinto-johtoisessa yhteiskunnallisessa todellisuudessa. Suomen rikoslaki sisältää laajassa merkityksessä sadoittain erilaatuisia kriminalisointeja, joiden merkitys on usein hallinnon toimintaa subventoiva, symbolinen tai jonkin toisen kriminalisoinnin vaikutusta tehostamaan pyrkivä. Tällainen rikoslaki on tehtävänsä, vaikuttavuutensa ja hyväksyttävyytensä kannalta ongelmallinen. Suomalainen hallinnollisten sanktioiden järjestelmä ei sekään ole järkevä ja tarkoituksenmukainen, yleisiin oppeihin perustuva systeemi. Myös yleiseurooppalainen kehitys näyttäisi viittaavan siihen, että Suomessa on tarve kehittää sekä rikosoikeutta että sille vaihtoehtoista hallintosanktioiden järjestelmää, sanktio-oikeutta. Tämä edellyttää lainsäädäntöuudistuksia.

Cambio político y consolidación democrática en México. Los límites del modelo de las transiciones a la democracia

 Este texto plantea una reflexión sobre el estado actual de la democracia en México. Para ello se basa en una lectura crítica de las interpretaciones de la transición mexicana. Estas últimas subrayan el carácter sui generis e incompleto de dicha transición, cuya conclusión no ha significado una discontinuidad clara entre la etapa autoritaria y la de consolidación democrática. Nuestro planteamiento consiste en mostrar que los límites actuales de la democracia mexicana, en parte identificables como problemas de consolidación, dejan dudas sobre la llegada de la democracia a México. Lo ilustramos en torno a la pluralización aparente del sistema de partidos, a la cual los actores y estructuras autoritarias han sabido adaptarse, y en torno a la débil consolidación del Estado de derecho y las instituciones, amenazadas por la ascensión vertiginosa del crimen organizado. La combinación de las recomposiciones autoritarias y de esas nuevas amenazas no se reduce a meras herencias autoritarias, en un contexto supuestamente democrático, ni tampoco admite la hipótesis de una transición inconclusa. Implica más bien una huida hacia delante, la cual oscila entre la democracia y su negación, así como entre las herencias del pasado y un cambio mal asimilado, obligando a revisar el modelo de análisis de las transiciones a la democracia, parcialmente pertinente, pero demasiado lineal y reductor.-----This paper proposes a reflection on the current status of democracy in Mexico. For this purpose, it has been based on an analytical reading of interpretations to the Mexican transition. They highlight the sui generis and unfinished nature of such transition, whose completion has not entailed a clear discontinuity between the authoritarian phase and the democratic consolidation phase. Our approach consists in showing that the current limitations of Mexican democracy, which are in part identifiable as consolidation issues, leave doubts about the arrival of democracy to Mexico. This is illustrated around the supposed plurality of the party system, to which the actors and power structures have adapted, and around the weak consolidation of the constitutional state and the institutions, threatened by the dramatic escalation of organized crime. The combination of authoritarian recomposition and such new threats is not a mere authoritarian inheritance, in what is a supposed democratic context, nor does it agree with the hypothesis of an unconcluded transition. It rather implies fleeing forwards, which in itself oscillates between democracy and its denial as well as between past legacies and a badly assimilated change, thus forcing us to review the analytical model for transitions to democracy which is relevant in part, but far too linear and minimizing.

El bloque de constitucionalidad en el Ecuador. Derechos Humanos más allá de la Constitución (Tema Central)

Aunque en el Derecho comparado el bloque de constitucionalidad se ha venido desarrollando desde hace más de tres décadas, en nuestro país su tratamiento es de gran novedad, su importancia teórica y práctica es inmensa, más aún con la expedición de una nueva Constitución, que merece precisamente el adjetivo calificativo de nueva, por consagrar al Ecuador como un Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia. Sobre la base de dicha premisa el presente ensayo realiza un estudio histórico comparado de esta institución del cual se desprende un ejercicio crítico que, conjuntamente con el estudio de las cláusulas de remisión de nuestra actual Constitución y la experiencia jurisprudencial ecuatoriana, permiten construir una definición y establecer un contenido propio para nuestro sistema jurídico, advirtiéndonos sobre sus oportunidades y riesgos.

Los nuevos saberes en el constitucionalismo ecuatoriano (Tema Central)

Para evitar una transformación formal y conducir un cambio constitucional sustancial se hace indispensable generar una construcción teórica en la que se sustenten los valores estructurales del constitucionalismo ecuatoriano como son el Sumak Kawsay y la justicia. Los nuevos saberes constitucionales son una motivación para transformar la práctica del derecho en el sistema de justicia ecuatoriano, porque no es suficiente el ejercicio tradicional del derecho para las exigencias del sistema constitucional actual. Es importante identificar que el cambio a lo nuevo ofrece resistencia en la práctica y exige creatividad para la transformación, circunstancia que se apega a la reparación integral que involucra el ejercicio de la justicia no como un ideal reservado para la teorización, sino que exige materialización.

Ecuador

Ecuador’s total population numbers some 15,682,792 inhabitants, and includes 14 nationalities accounting for around 1,100,000 people, all joined together in a series of local, regional and national organisations. 60.3% of the Andean Kichwa live in six provinces in the Central-North Mountains; 24.1% live in the Amazon region and belong to ten nationalities; 7.3% live in the Southern Mountains; and the remaining 8.3% live in the Coastal region and the Galapagos Islands. 78.5% still live in rural areas and 21.5% in urban areas. The current Constitution of the Republic recognises the country as a “…constitutional state of law and social justice, democratic, sovereign, independent, unitary, intercultural, multinational and secular”. Over the last five years, the country has undergone a series of political and institutional reforms. At the same time, however, enforcing and guaranteeing the collective rights recognised in the Constitution has become a challenge to the process, and a permanent point of disagreement between the government, headed by the economist Rafael Correa, and the indigenous social organisations. The government’s economic action has been largely marked by an opening up of the extractive industries - oil, copper and gold - to foreign investment, either of Chinese or Belarussian origin, or from other Latin American countries such as Brazil, Chile or Argentina. This has resulted in risk to and impacts on the territorial and cultural integrity of various indigenous peoples, and an uncertainty created around the true validity of the broad collective rights enshrined in the Constitution.

Por uma reforma dos sistemas horizontal e vertical de divisão de funções do Estado

Enquanto muito se discute nos meios acadêmicos no próprio Congresso Nacional teor das reformas política, tributária previdenciária, todas elas, aliás, fundamentais ao país, esta monografia aborda outras dimensões de reforma, relacionadas organização funcional do Estado Brasileiro. Assim porque exigência de um Estado eficiente responde não somente questão de sua legitimidade, mas é, hoje, no ambiente globalizado de intensa competição de constante instabilidade, imperativo do próprio desenvolvimento de uma nação, especialmente Brasil, que deve, paralelamente, enfrentar um enorme déficit social acumulado. Procura-se, então, discutir, numa visão prospectiva, uma nova divisão de funções entre os Poderes Executivo Legislativo, especialmente no que concerne produção normativa, cujo modelo atual, ainda fundado no dogma da reserva de lei, apresenta-se incapaz de responder com grau de agilidade e competência que se exige do Estado atual. Remanesce, obviamente, preocupação com preservação dos valores democráticos com contenção do poder do Executivo, que instruíram formação dos Estados constitucionais, mas monopolização, pelo Legislativo, da produção de normas gerais abstratas não fator imprescindível ao alcance de tais objetivos sequer corresponde ao modelo empiricamente em vigor no Brasil. No outro aspecto, da divisão vertical de funções determinada pelo modelo federativo brasileiro, aborda-se "crise de relacionamento" entre os Entes Federativos, que se nota na dificuldade de adoção de políticas públicas conjuntas, problema que mais se agrava ante justa demanda da sociedade em encontrar, para seus organismos, espaço de participação nessa mesma seara. Deixando parte algumas sugestões de reconfiguração federativa, com inclusão ou exclusão de Entes, presente estudo procura defender adoção de soluções institucionais para a concretização da cooperação entre os Entes e para participação da sociedade na busca do interesse público.

Direitos humanos e dilemas da democracia no Brasil: um estudo sociológico do trabalho policial (1985-2009)

According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)

Efetivação da garantia de defesa no estado constitucional de direito: colisão entre o poder punitivo e garantia de defesa

The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality

Liberdade de expressão: amplitude, limites e proteção constitucional no deireito brasileiro.

This dissertation focus, as main objective, to address the issue of fundamental rights and political freedoms of the individuals, guaranteed by the Constitution of 1988, with emphasis of study in the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, as well as in national related constitutional law institutions and its derivatives, and the connection with the historical and political affirmation of fundamental human rights and its importance for the construction, maintenance and consolidation of constitutional democracy in the Federative Republic of Brazil. This paper mainly deals with aspects of juspostive nature, focused mainly within its doctrinal aspect, making, for such, references both to the patrian doctrine and the foreign one, without forgetting the necessary jurisprudencial focus and analysis of the positive patrian planning with references to comparative law, in order to describe and analyze the emergence, evolution and dissemination of the institute, both in the major countries of the Western World and along the Brazilian constitutional history.

A questão do petróleo em terras indígenas: uma análise constitucional à luz do desenvolvimento sustentável

Recognizing the need to preserve a national ethnic minority, the Constitution, inspired by the pluralistic values of the Constitutional Law State, stipulated a series of rights and guarantees for the conservation of indigenous cultural singularity, disciplining in article 231 the Indians right to maintain their social organization, customs, languages, beliefs and traditions, as well as safeguarding the rights to the lands they traditionally occupy, and the exclusive use of the wealth existing in them, premise of ensuring their physical and cultural continuity, breaking decisively with the paradigm the assimilation of the Indian national civilization. However, despite the Indian policy of ethnic and cultural preservation, the Constitution allowed the exploitation of minerals in aboriginal territory, incorporated herein hydrocarbons, provided they meet certain predetermined requirements, leaving it to the legislature the discipline of ordinary matter. However, this law has not yet been published, with some projects in the National Congress, leaving thus precluding the indigenous subsurface oil exploration until the enactment of enabling legislation. Meanwhile, this paper carries out an integrated analysis of the constitutional protection of ethnic and cultural uniqueness of indigenous peoples, Convention Nº 169 of the International Labour Organization and the bill presented by Deputy Eduardo Valverde, in an attempt to consolidate sustainable development practices in the sector, through developing a system of social and environmental responsible oil exploration, aligning with national energy needs to maintain a balanced environment and preservation of socio-cultural organization of a minority so weakened and beaten over five centuries of domination

Perfis do controle jurisdicional de políticas publicas: parâmetros objetivos e tutela coletiva

This paper focuses on a study of public policy jurisdictional control as some effectiveness mechanism for cultural, economical, and social fundamental rights. It investigates the juridical profile of public policies based on premises of the current (Neo)Constitutional State model and the assertion of an essentially constitutionalist Law paradigm from its genesis to its most peculiar elements, and through tormenting issues, such as: its position between Law and Politics, the difference with reflective subjective rights, and the problem of high financial costs. Once its object is identified, it moves forward into the theme itself, which is that of jurisdictional control, investigating its legitimacy based on paradigmatic judicial precedents and the facing of themes such as: current role of the Judicial Power, the splitting of state functions, administrative discretion, financial affordability, illegal omissions, and budget control. Finally, it examines, as its study central object, objective parameters for definition control, execution, and transparency of public policies, as well as identifying the most appropriate collective jurisdictional tutoring to its purposes together with some of its law process means. Therefrom, it shows new perspectives for the recent study on jurisdictional control of public policies, building foundations for the fundamental rights effectiveness

Análise do processo judicial eletrônico (PJe) sob os parâmetros da discursividade processual e do acesso democrático à justiça

The conceptions of the judicial function, the process and the factors of legitimacy of the norm of decision are changed according to the model of State (liberal, social democratic and constitutional). The right of access to justice, likewise, follows the ideals present in constitutional movements experienced in different historical moments. The deficit of legitimacy of the judiciary is recurring subject of study in the doctrine, especially in the face of democratic standards that permeate the current paradigm of state. Under the process law, the essential element for the distinction of the states based on the rule of law (formal and material) and the democratic constitutional state lies in the democratic guarantee of participation to the litigants in the process of elaborating the norm of decision. The concern about the participatory democracy and the concretion of fundamental rights has as presupposition the conception of popular sovereignty. Keeping this effort in mind, the civil procedure cannot be oblivious to such considerations, especially when it justifies its constitutional conformation from the institutionalization of discourse within the procedural field (democratic principle) and of the democratization of access to justice, leading to the necessary contestation of the theory of instrumentality of the process. The democratic prospects of civil procedure and the concern about the legitimacy of the rule of decision cannot be moved away from the analysis of the judicial function and the elements that influence the legal suit s progress. The computerization of the judicial process entails extensive modification in the way the judicial function is developed, in view of automation of activities held, of the eliminating of bureaucratic tasks, manual and repetitive, and of streamlining the procedure. The objective of this study is to analyze the dogmatic changes and resulting practices from the implementation of the Judicial Electronic Process (JEP), prepared by the National Council of Justice, under the parameters of procedural discourse and democratic access to justice. Two hypotheses are raised, which, based on a bibliographic-documentary, applied and exploratory research, are contested dialectically. The expansion of publicity of procedural acts and the facilitating of communication and practice of such acts are elements that contribute to the effective participation of the recipients of the norm of decision in its making process and, therefore, the democratic principle in the procedural field. Ensuring access (to the parts) to the case files and reasonable duration of the process along with the preservation of its founding principles (contradictory, legal defense and isonomy) are essential to ensure democratic access to justice within the virtual system

Reserva de cargos e empregos públicos a pessoas com deficiência: instituições federais de ensino no RN

With a focus on the need for effectiveness of fundamental rights of persons with disabilities, this dissertation held a scientific research to analyze the degree of implementation of reservation of positions and public jobs to people with disabilities in the Brazilian State, because the 1988 Federal Constitution expressly determined such a reservation in your article 37, VIII. Highlight that this subject is enough evidence, given the large number of open public competition in recent years in Brazil, as well as recent proposals to grant equal rights to blacks (Bill nº 6,738/2013). In addition, the wording the constitutional device comes fomenting heated discussions on the subject, which are flowing on the doors of the judiciary and are spicy because such protection Microsystem vulnerable group has several gaps in the regulation of this policy. However, the research produced, unlike other related theme, does not address the problem of inefficiency in its constitutional theory, that is, abstractly, but also focuses on a specific analysis of this ineffectiveness within Brazilian society, so that research based on a bibliographical analysis, plus a study case law, at the national level, as well as in field research, while case study, focusing on the technique of the analysis of everyday life, because it was believed that the degree of realization of the constitutional norm debated is not yet a satisfactory degree of effectiveness. Soon, the methodological procedures chosen confirmed such a hypothesis and contributed to the study of realization of the fundamental right to work of people with disabilities in Brazil, the light of a Constitutional State, proposing a constitutionally appropriate model the greater effectiveness of the constitutional norm studied