942 resultados para shame and guilt
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In the context of Aboriginal-Anglo Australian relations, we tested the effect of framing (multiculturalism versus separatism) and majority group members' social values (universalism) on the persuasiveness of Aboriginal group rhetoric, majority collective guilt, attitudes toward compensation, and reparations for Aboriginals. As predicted, Anglo Australians who are low on universalism report more collective guilt when presented with a multiculturalist than a separatist Aboriginal frame, whereas those high on universalism report high levels of guilt independent of frame. The same pattern was predicted and found for the persuasiveness of the rhetoric and attitudes toward compensation. Our data suggest that (a) for individuals low in universalism, framing produces attitudes consonant with compensation because it produces collective guilt and (b) the reason that universalists are more in favor of compensation and reparation is because of high collective guilt. We discuss the strategic use of language to create power through the manipulation of collective guilt in political contexts.
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Objective: To explore the relationship between compulsive exercise and shame in a clinical sample of eating disorder patients. Method: In a cross-sectional study, individuals with an eating disorder (n=21) completed self-report measures of compulsive exercise, internal shame, external shame, bodily shame, anxiety and depression. Results: Internal shame was moderately associated with compulsive exercise (r=.496, p<.05). No further variables were significantly related to compulsive exercise. Individuals with Anorexia-Nervosa and Bulimia-Nervosa did not significantly differ on any of the study variables. Discussion: Hypotheses regarding the possible nature of the relationship between compulsive exercise and shame are suggested. For instance, that compulsive exercise may serve a role in the regulation of internal shame. That compulsive exercise may act as a compensatory behaviour and be a consequence of high levels of shame. Or that internal shame may result as a response to negative perceptions of one’s exercise habits. The results are discussed in line with current literature.
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Background: Diabetes imposes restrictions on physical, emotional, and social functioning of children and adolescents. Objectives: The aim of this study was to determine effectiveness of acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) for depression, psychological well-being and feeling of guilt in 7 - 15 years old diabetic children. Patients and Methods: This was a clinical trial with pre-test and post-test design with control group. The study population consisted of 34 participants selected using convenient sampling out of all 7 - 15 years old patients that referred to the Diabetes Association of Tabriz. They were randomly allocated into two equal groups (experimental and control). The experimental group participated in therapy sessions and the control group did not receive any intervention. The research instruments were reynolds child depression scale (RCDS), eysenck feelings of guilt scale and satisfaction with life scale (SWLS). Results: Multivariate covariance analysis (MANCOVA) showed that the treatment was effective on variables of depression, psychological well-being and feeling guilty in 7 - 15 years old diabetic children (P < 0.001). Conclusions: The aforementioned treatment is effective and suggested to be used in other psychosomatic diseases of children.
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Trabalho apresentado em ICAP 2015: 17th International Conference on Applied Psychology, Session 13, Tokyo, Japan, May 28-29, 2015.
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We study optimal contracts in a simple model where employees are averse to inequity as modelled by Fehr and Schmidt (1999). A "selfish" employer can profitably exploit such preferences among its employees by offering contracts which create inequity off-equilibrium and thus, they would leave employees feeling envy or guilt when they do not meet the employer's demands. Such contracts resemble team and relative performance contracts, and thus we derive conditions under which it may be beneficial to form work teams of employees with distributional concerns who were previously working individually. Similar results are obtained for status-seeking and efficiency concerns preferences.
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Objectives Medical futility at the end of life is a growing challenge to medicine. The goals of the authors were to elucidate how clinicians define futility, when they perceive life-sustaining treatment (LST) to be futile, how they communicate this situation and why LST is sometimes continued despite being recognised as futile. Methods The authors reviewed ethics case consultation protocols and conducted semi-structured interviews with 18 physicians and 11 nurses from adult intensive and palliative care units at a tertiary hospital in Germany. The transcripts were subjected to qualitative content analysis. Results Futility was identified in the majority of case consultations. Interviewees associated futility with the failure to achieve goals of care that offer a benefit to the patient's quality of life and are proportionate to the risks, harms and costs. Prototypic examples mentioned are situations of irreversible dependence on LST, advanced metastatic malignancies and extensive brain injury. Participants agreed that futility should be assessed by physicians after consultation with the care team. Intensivists favoured an indirect and stepwise disclosure of the prognosis. Palliative care clinicians focused on a candid and empathetic information strategy. The reasons for continuing futile LST are primarily emotional, such as guilt, grief, fear of legal consequences and concerns about the family's reaction. Other obstacles are organisational routines, insufficient legal and palliative knowledge and treatment requests by patients or families. Conclusion Managing futility could be improved by communication training, knowledge transfer, organisational improvements and emotional and ethical support systems. The authors propose an algorithm for end-of-life decision making focusing on goals of treatment.
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Objectives This paper reports on a longitudinal qualitative study exploring concerns of 60 patients before and after transplantation. Methods Semi-structured interviews were conducted without time constraints in a protected space out of the hospital. Qualitative analysis was performed. Results Prior to transplantation, all patients talked freely about negative feelings, stigmatisation, being misunderstood by others, loneliness and culpability caused by increasing physical dependency or abandoned roles. They mentioned alternative ways to cope (magic, spirituality), and even expressed their right to let go. In a subset of 13 patients, significant ones allowed themselves in the interview, or were integrated on the request of the patients. In this modified setting, two illness-worlds were confronted. If common themes were mentioned (e.g., modified life plans, restricted space, physical and psychological barriers), they were experienced differently. Fear of transplantation or guilt towards the donors was overtly expressed, often for the first time. Mutual hiding of anxiety in order to protect loved ones or to prevent loss of control was disclosed. The significant ones talked about accumulated stress and exhaustion related to the physical degradation of the patient, fear of the unpredictable evolution of illness and financial problems, and stressed their difficulty to adapt adequately to the fluctuating state of the patient. After transplantation, other themes emerged, where difficulty in disclosure was observed: intensive care and near death experiences, being a transplanted person, debt to the donor and his/her family, fear of rejection. Conclusions With the self-imposed strategy of hiding concerns to protect one another, a discrepancy between two illness-worlds was created. When concerns were confronted during the interviews, a new mutual understanding emerged. Patients and their families stated the need for sharing concerns in the course of illness.
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This study examines the aftermath of mass violence in local communities. Two rampage school shootings that occurred in Finland are analyzed and compared to examine the ways in which communities experience, make sense of, and recover from sudden acts of mass violence. The studied cases took place at Jokela High School, in southern Finland, and at a polytechnic university in Kauhajoki, in western Finland, in 2007 and 2008 respectively. Including the perpetrators, 20 people lost their lives in these shootings. These incidents are part of the global school shooting phenomenon with increasing numbers of incidents occurring in the last two decades, mostly in North America and Europe. The dynamic of solidarity and conflict is one of the main themes of this study. It builds upon previous research on mass violence and disasters which suggests that solidarity increases after a crisis, and that this increase is often followed by conflict in the affected communities. This dissertation also draws from theoretical discussions on remembering, narrating, and commemorating traumatic incidents, as well as the idea of a cultural trauma process in which the origins and consequences of traumas are negotiated alongside collective identities. Memorialization practices and narratives about what happened are vital parts of the social memory of crises and disasters, and their inclusive and exclusive characteristics are discussed in this study. The data include two types of qualitative interviews; focused interviews with 11 crisis workers, and focused, narrative interviews with 21 residents of Jokela and 22 residents of Kauhajoki. A quantitative mail survey of the Jokela population (N=330) provided data used in one of the research articles. The results indicate that both communities experienced a process of simultaneous solidarity and conflict after the shootings. In Jokela, the community was constructed as a victim, and public expressions of solidarity and memorialization were promoted as part of the recovery process. In Kauhajoki, the community was portrayed as an incidental site of mass violence, and public expressions of solidarity by distant witnesses were labeled as unnecessary and often criticized. However, after the shooting, the community was somewhat united in its desire to avoid victimization and a prolonged liminal period. This can be understood as a more modest and invisible process of “silent solidarity”. The processes of enforced solidarity were partly made possible by exclusion. In some accounts, the family of the perpetrator in Jokela was excluded from the community. In Kauhajoki, the whole incident was externalized. In both communities, this exclusion included associating the shooting events, certain places, and certain individuals with the concept of evil, which helped to understand and explain the inconceivable incidents. Differences concerning appropriate emotional orientations, memorialization practices and the pace of the recovery created conflict in both communities. In Jokela, attitudes towards the perpetrator and his family were also a source of friction. Traditional gender roles regarding the expression of emotions remained fairly stable after the school shootings, but in an exceptional situation, conflicting interpretations arose concerning how men and women should express emotion. The results from the Jokela community also suggest that while increased solidarity was seen as important part of the recovery process, some negative effects such as collective guilt, group divisions, and stigmatization also emerged. Based on the results, two simultaneous strategies that took place after mass violence were identified; one was a process of fast-paced normalization, and the other was that of memorialization. Both strategies are ways to restore the feeling of security shattered by violent incidents. The Jokela community emphasized remembering while the Kauhajoki community turned more to the normalization strategy. Both strategies have positive and negative consequences. It is important to note that the tendency to memorialize is not the only way of expressing solidarity, as fast normalization includes its own kind of solidarity and helps prevent the negative consequences of intense solidarity.
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Online sexual solicitation (solicitation) of youth has received widespread media and research attention during the last decade. The prevalence rates of youth who have experienced solicitation or solicitation attempts vary between studies depending on the methodology used (e.g., whether youth or adults are the target study group). In studies focusing on youth victims, the prevalence of solicitation attempts made by adults during the past year is typically reported to be between 5 and 9%. Adults who solicit youth online have been found to use deception and other manipulative behaviors to gain access to sexual activities with youth. However, previous studies have lacked a control group of adults who solicit other adults online. Without this comparison, one could argue that deceiving others online about one’s identity, and engaging in manipulative behaviors, is an inherent part of most online sexual interactions with strangers. Additionally, little is known about the associations between manipulative behaviors and the solicitation outcomes. In research concerning offline sexual behaviors, it has been noted that situational factors, such as sexual arousal, may alter both sexual interest and behavior. The effects of situational factors on online sexual behaviors have been less extensively studied (especially so with a quantitative approach); no studies have to date focused on adults’ solicitation of youth. Investigating the role of a lowered sexual age preference and the role of situational factors in the soliciting adults could be an important step in order to receive deeper knowledge of the role of traits and states in the context of solicitation. Additionally, there is a lack of knowledge of the effect of the age of the youth. Although previous studies on solicitation has found that older youth, compared with younger youth and children, are more often solicited, the possible reasons for this have not been investigated. Are adults who solicit youth affected by legal deterrence (through the legal age of consent), is it because older youth are more available online, or are the adults’ age preferences merely a product of a normally distributed age preference in the population? The purpose of the present thesis was fivefold: 1) to obtain an estimate of the frequency of adults’ solicitation of youth as self-reported and observed in actual behavior; 2) to explore whether the legal age of consent (LAC) affects solicitation frequency, or whether a normally distributed sexual age preference more accurately describe the proportion of solicited youth of different ages; 3) to investigate the associations of both traits (e.g., lower sexual age preference) and states (immediate situational factors, such as alcohol intoxication), and the solicitation target; 4) to explore whether adults who solicit youth and adults who solicit adults are equally deceitful and manipulative online, and whether the different solicitation outcomes are as common in both groups; and 5) to investigate whether the deceitful and manipulative behaviors engaged in had different associations with the solicitation outcomes depending on the age of the solicited. In the survey study, a convenience sample of 1393 adult participants (aged 18 years or older) self-reported any online communication with strangers during the past year. Of these, 56% (776 respondents) reported that they had solicited or attempted to solicit at least one stranger. Of the respondents, 453 (58.4%) were men, and 323 (41.6%) were women. Participants with only adult contacts (18 years or older) constituted the majority (640 respondents). In contrast, 136 individuals reported a youth contact (a 13 year old or younger, or a 14 to 17-year old). Approximately half of the participants were men in the adult contact group, while 75% of the participants were men in the youth contact group. Approximately 60% of the participants with youth contacts were recruited from two websites associated with a pedophilic sexual interest. In an online quasi-experimental study, with researchers impersonating youth of different ages (10–18 year olds) in chat rooms, 251 online conversations with chat room visitors made up the entire sample. All chat room visitors alleged to be men. The self-reported frequency of having solicited youth (0–17-year olds) during the past year was approximately 10% in our sample of adults who reported communicating with any strangers online. When we observed this behavior in chat rooms, we found that approximately 30% of the chat room visitors who believed they interacted with a 10 to 14 year old attempted to solicit the youth. We found that solicitation attempts increased equally much when increasing the age of the impersonated youth from 14 to 16, as from 16 to 18. Thus, we concluded that a normally distributed age preference in the population was a more plausible explanation to the effect of the age of the solicited, rather than the LAC (here; 15 and 16). If the chat room visitors would have been deterred only by the LAC, we would have expected that the change in amount of solicitation attempts from an illegal age group to a legal age group would have been significantly stronger than changes between age groups within illegal-illegal and legal-legal groups. Our subsample of survey participants from the pedophilia-related websites expectedly reported that they had solicited youth more often in comparison to the sample gathered through general (i.e., not associated with any particular sexual preference) websites. We also found that participants with a youth contact reported higher levels of sexual arousal and shame before the sexual interaction with their online contact, compared with participants with an adult contact. Additionally, the participants with youth contacts who reported consumption of child- and adolescent pornography also reported being more sexually aroused before the interaction, compared to the participants with youth contacts who did not report consumption of these kinds of pornography. We also found clear indications that the online sexual interaction had an alleviatory effect on reported levels of sadness, boredom and stress, independent of the age of the contact. Generally, the participants with youth and adult contacts reported deceiving their contacts as often and suggesting keeping the communication a secret from someone as often. Participants with a youth contact, however, reported using more persuasion techniques for online sexual purposes or for the purpose of an offline meeting, compared to those with an adult contact. In the chat rooms, we found that more indirect ways of future sexual communication (e.g., continuing chatting) was suggested by the chat room visitors that were under the assumption of interacting with youth aged 10 to 14, compared with more direct means (e.g., meeting offline). Survey participants with youth contacts who had used deception, suggested keeping the interactions a secret, and/or persuaded their contact by appealing to the contacts feelings of love and attachment for the participant had also more often engaged in cybersex with the contact. No other manipulative behaviors were associated with the other investigated solicitation outcomes (receiving a sexual picture, meeting offline, and engaging in sexual contact offline) within this group of participants. However, using deception, suggesting secrecy and using persuasion was also positively associated with certain solicitation outcomes within participants with an adult contact. In summary, adults’ solicitation of youth is much more frequent when observed in chat rooms than self-reported. Additionally, an underlying lowered sexual age preference seems to be a motivating factor on a group level in adults who solicit youth. We concluded that directed prevention efforts should be made on pedophiliarelated websites. Additionally, the role of situational factors, especially sexual arousal in persons with a pedo- or hebephilic sexual interest should be investigated further in the context of online sexual solicitation.
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In my PhD Thesis, I study the conceptions and representation of emotions in medieval 13th and 14th-century Iceland. I have used Icelandic saga literature as my source material and Icelandic Family sagas (Íslendingasögur) as my main sources. Firstly, I wished to explore in my study the medieval Icelandic folk theory of emotions: what emotions were thought to be, from what they originated and how they operated? Secondly, in earlier research it has been shown that emotions were seldom described in Íslendingasögur. They were mostly represented in dialogue, poetry or in somatic changes (e.g. turning pale). Consequently, I examined whether medieval Icelanders had alternative emotion discourses in literature, in addition to the usual manner of representation. My study consists of qualitative case studies, and I have analysed the sources intertextually. I suggest that medieval Icelanders regarded emotions as movements of the mind. The mind existed in the heart. As a consequence, emotions were considered physical in nature. The human body and therefore also the human mind was considered porous: if the mind of the person was not strong enough, supernatural agents and forces could penetrate theboundaries of his/her body as winds or sharp projectiles. Correspondingly, minds of strong-willed people could penetrate the minds of others. As a result, illness and emotions could upspring. People did not always distinguish between emotions and physical illnesses. Excessive emotions could cause illness, even death. Especially fear, grief and emotions of moral responsibility (e.g. guilt) made people vulnerable to the supernatural influence. Guilt was considered part of the emotional experience of misfortune (ógæfa), and in literature guilt could also be represented as eye pain that was inflicted upon the sufferer by a supernatural agent in a dream. Consequently, supernatural forces and beings were part of the upspring of emotions, but also part of the representation of emotions in literature: They caused the emotion but their presence also represented the emotional turmoil in the lives of the people that the supernatural agents harassed; emotions that had followed from norm transgressions, betrayal and other forms of social disequilibrium. Medieval readers and listeners of the Íslendingasögur were used to interpreting such different layers of meaning in texts.
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A substantial research literature exists regarding the psychopathy construct in forensic populations, but more recently, the construct has been extended to non-clinical populations. The purpose of the present dissertation was to investigate the content and the correlates of the psychopathy construct, with a particular focus on addressing gaps and controversies in the literature. In Study 1, the role of low anxiety in psychopathy was investigated, as some authors have proposed that low anxiety is integral to the psychopathy construct. Participants (n = 346) responded to two self-report psychopathy scales, the SRP-III and the PPI-R, as well as measures of temperament, personality, and antisociality. Of particular interest was the PPI-R Stress Immunity sub scale, which represents low anxiety content. I t was found that Stress Immunity was not correlated with SRP-III psychopathy, nor did it share common personality or temperament correlates or contribute to the prediction of anti sociality. From Study 1, it was concluded that it was unlikely that low anxiety is a central feature of the psychopathy construct. In Study 2, the relationship between SRP-III psychopathy and Ability Emotional Intelligence (Le., Emotional Intelligence measured as an ability, rather than as a self-report personality trait-like characteristic) was investigated, to determine whether psychopathy is be s t seen as a syndrome characterized by emotional deficits or by the ability to skillfully manipulate and prey upon the others' emotions. A negative correlation between the two constructs was found, suggesting that psychopathy is best characterized by deficits in perceiving, facilitating, managing, and understanding emotions. In Study 3, sex differences in the sexual behavior (i.e., promiscuity, age of first sexual behaviors, extradyadic sexual relations) and appearance-related esteem (i.e., body shame,appearance anxiety, self-esteem) correlates of SRP-III psychopathy were investigated. The sexual behavior correlates of psychopathy were quite similar for men and women, but the esteem correlates were very different, such that high psychopathy in men was related to high esteem, whereas high psychopathy in women was generally related to low esteem. This sex difference was difficult to interpret in that it was not mediated by sexual behavior, suggesting that further exploration of this topic is warranted. Together, these three studies contribute to our understanding of non-clinical psychopathy, indicating that low anxiety is likely not part of the construct, that psychopathy is related to low levels of ability in Emotional Intelligence, and that psychopathy is an important predictor of behavior, ability, and beliefs and feelings about the self
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In this study, I build upon my previous research in which I focus on religious doctrine as a gendered disciplinary apparatus, and examine the witch trials in early modem England and Italy in light of socio-economic issues relating to gender and class. This project examines the witch hunts/trials and early modem visual representations of witches, and what I suggest is an attempt to create docile bodies out of members of society who are deemed unruly, problematic and otherwise 'undesirable'; it is the witch's body that is deemed counternormative. This study demonstrates that it is neighbours and other acquaintances of accused witches that take on the role of the invisible guard of Bantham's Panoptic on. As someone who is trained in the study of English literature and literary theory, my approach is one that is informed by this methodology. It is my specialization in early modem British literature that first exposed me to witch-hunting manuals and tales of the supernatural, and it is for this reason that my research commences with a study of representations of witches and witchcraft in early modem England. From my initial exposure to such materials I proceed to examine the similarities and the differences of the cultural significance of the supernatural vis-a.-vis women's activities in early modem Italy. The subsequent discussion of visual representations of witches involves a predominance of Germanic artists, as the seminal work on the discernment of witches and the application of punishment known as the Malleus Meleficarum, was written in Germany circa 1486. Textual accounts of witch trials such as: "A Pitiless Mother (1616)," "The Wonderful Discovery of the Witchcrafts of Margaret and Philippa Flower (1619)," "Magic and Poison: The Trial ofChiaretta and Fedele (circa 1550)", and the "The Case of Benvegnuda Pincinella: Medicine Woman or Witch (1518),"and witchhunting manuals such as the Malleus Melejicarum and Strix will be put in direct dialogue with visual representations of witches in light of historical discourses pertaining to gender performance and gendered expectations. Issues relating to class will be examined as they pertain to the material conditions of presumed witches. The dominant group in any temporal or geographic location possesses the tools of representation. Therefore, it is not surprising that the physical characteristics, sexual habits and social material conditions that are attributed to suspected witches are attributes that can be deemed deviant by the ruling class. The research will juxtapose the social material conditions of suspected witches with the guilt, anxiety, and projection of fear that the dominant groups experienced in light of the changing economic landscape of the Renaissance. The shift from feudalism to primitive accumulation, and capitalism saw a rise in people living in poverty and therefore an increased dependence upon the good will of others. I will discuss the social material conditions of accused witches as informed by what Robyn Wiegman terms a "minoritizing discourse" (210). People of higher economic standing often blamed their social, medical, and/or economic difficulties on the less fortunate, resulting in accusations of witchcraft.
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Univalent attitudes toward gay people have been widely studied, but no research to date has examined ambivalent (i.e., torn, conflicted) attitudes toward gay people. However, the Justification-Suppression Model (JSM; Crandall & Eshleman, 2003) proposes that ambivalence leads to biased expressions through intrapsychic processes which facilitate biased expression, particularly in contexts presenting strong justifications for expressing prejudice and weak pressures to suppress prejudice. I test these implications in the context of bias toward gay people. In Study 1, the measurement of ambivalence is examined in terms of both subjective ambivalence (i.e., the reported experience of “torn” attitudes) and calculated ambivalence (i.e., mathematical conflict between positive and negative attitude components). I find that higher subjective ambivalence is only associated with more negative attitudes toward gay people (and not positive attitudes toward gay people), and that higher subjective ambivalence predicts less gay rights support even after taking negative and positive attitudes toward gay people into account. Further, higher subjective ambivalence is associated with ideological opposition to gay people and more negative intergroup emotions (e.g., intergroup disgust). These findings suggest it is valuable to examine the unique component of subjective ambivalence separate from univalent negativity. Because calculated ambivalence measures are mathematically dependent upon a univalent negative measure, they cannot be examined separately from negativity. Therefore, subjective ambivalence is the focus of Study 2. The main goals of Study 2 were to determine why and when subjective ambivalence is related to bias. I examined the extent to which the negative relation between subjective ambivalence and opposition to anti-gay bullying can be accounted for by lower intergroup empathy and lower collective guilt, which may facilitate the expression of bias in keeping with the JSM. The relation between subjective ambivalence and anti-gay bullying opposition was examined within four social contexts based on a 2 (high vs. low offensiveness) x 2 (normatively unjustified vs. normatively justified) manipulation. I expected that higher subjective ambivalence would be most strongly related to lower intergroup empathy and collective guilt when there are the strongest justifications for bias expression, and that lower intergroup empathy and collective guilt would lead to less opposition to anti-gay bullying. Higher subjective ambivalence predicted less anti-gay bullying opposition. After accounting for positivity and negativity, the direct effect of subjective ambivalence was no longer significant, yet subjective ambivalence uniquely predicted intergroup empathy, which in turn predicted less anti-gay bullying opposition. These findings provide evidence that subjective ambivalence is largely negative in nature, but also presents evidence for a unique component of subjective ambivalence (separate from univalent attitudes) associated with low intergroup empathy and negativity. In contrast to previous research, I found very little evidence for the context-dependency of subjective ambivalence. Further research on subjective ambivalence, including subjective ambivalence toward other social groups, may expand our understanding of the factors leading to biased expressions.
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La documentation sur les pratiques parentales suggère qu’afin de favoriser le développement optimal des enfants, les parents devraient utiliser des pratiques qui sont structurantes et qui soutiennent leur autonomie (Grolnick & Pomerantz, 2009). Dans certaines situations, par exemple lorsqu’un enfant enfreint une règle, il peut toutefois sembler difficile pour les parents d’adopter des stratégies parentales qui allient ces deux dimensions. Qui plus est, peu d’études se sont penchées sur la façon dont les parents peuvent renforcer la structure tout en tenant simultanément compte des besoins et de l’individualité des enfants. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’évaluer l’impact de trois stratégies visant à renforcer les règles (répéter la règle, donner une punition ou avoir recours à une conséquence logique) variant quant à leurs niveaux de structure et de soutien à l’autonomie, et de vérifier leurs effets lorsqu’elles sont employées au sein d’un climat interpersonnel soutenant l’autonomie ou d’un climat interpersonnel contrôlant. Le premier article s’intéresse à l’impact conjoint des stratégies visant à renforcer les règles et du climat interpersonnel sur des indicateurs de conformité et d’intériorisation rapportés par 221 enfants et leurs mères. Les résultats montrent que les mères considèrent les conséquences logiques utilisées dans un climat qui soutient l’autonomie comme étant les pratiques les plus efficaces et les plus acceptables (effet interactif). Les enfants pensent aussi qu’un climat interpersonnel qui soutient l’autonomie est plus efficace et plus acceptable qu’un climat interpersonnel contrôlant. De plus, les résultats suggèrent que les enfants considèrent les conséquences logiques comme des pratiques aussi efficaces, mais plus acceptables que les punitions. Le fait de répéter la règle est jugé comme étant acceptable, mais peu efficace comparativement aux autres stratégies. Pour les enfants, les résultats montrent qu’il n’y a pas d’interaction entre les stratégies visant à renforcer les règles et le climat interpersonnel. Le second article vise à documenter les réactions émotionnelles potentielles des mêmes enfants (N = 221) face aux trois stratégies visant à renforcer les règles et aux climats interpersonnels. Quatre émotions déterminantes dans le processus d’intériorisation sont étudiées, soit la colère, la tristesse, la culpabilité et la honte. Les résultats montrent d’abord qu’un climat interpersonnel contrôlant amènerait les enfants à vivre plus de colère, de tristesse et de honte qu’un climat soutenant l’autonomie. Par contre, les enfants rapportent autant de culpabilité au sein des deux climats interpersonnels. Les résultats suggèrent également que les punitions susciteraient plus de tristesse, de culpabilité et de colère que les conséquences logiques, que les conséquences logiques feraient vivre aux enfants plus de tristesse et de culpabilité que répéter la règle et que les punitions amèneraient les enfants à vivre davantage de honte que répéter la règle. Finalement, les résultats suggèrent que les effets des stratégies visant à renforcer les règles et du climat interpersonnel sont additifs; il n’y a pas d’interaction entre ces deux facteurs. Les contributions théoriques de cette thèse à la documentation sur les pratiques parentales et le développement des enfants, de même que ses implications pratiques pour les parents dans la socialisation des enfants sont discutées.
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This is a study in criminal law. The problem probed is the relationship between mental abnormality and criminal responsibility. The subject is yet an unsolved area in criminal jurisprudence. It is of great interest to many jurists lawyers philosophers and psychiatrists. The study lays special emphasis on the Indian law .Comparative assessment wherever found necessary,especially of positions in England ,United states and Germany is made. The thesis is in six parts and sixteen chapters.