927 resultados para Upsala, Sweden. Universitet


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War children were sent away to shelter without their parents to other Nordic countries, mainly to Sweden. The phenomenon was remarkable. During the Second World War nearly 80,000 children were sent from their homes by trains or boats. These children travelled to foster homes where they were placed with new parents looking after them. After the conclusion of the peace, for some months or sometimes years later, orders were given to send the children back to their families in Finland. Returning back to Finland and to their biological parents and families was not always easy. Deep bonds between the children and their foster families were created and leaving caused grief to those small travellers once again. In some cases, distances were created in the relations between Mothers and their daughters. Many had forgotten their Finnish, and returning to school proved difficult. Some of the war children felt rootlessness, a result of being torn away from their family and culture. The aim of this study is to describe how former war children became mothers by themselves, and later on grandmothers. The study also explores how they describe the meaning of the war and their childhood in their own parenthood and what were their experiences of time in foster homes. Seven former war children and three daughters were interviewed for this study. Interviews were biographical. A narrative approach and thematic reading (by Riessman 2008) has guided the analysis of the texts. According to the results of this study, the importance of having your own home , family and security in childhood relationships is significant. Caring and having responsibility for disadvantaged others was important for former war children. What come from the detailed experiences of the 'war childhood' most of all were the difficulties they found on returning to Finland. Some of them had become very attached to their foster parents. There were varying degrees of language problems among the returnees. Some of the interviewees had completely forgotten their native language. Given that, starting the school at home was difficult. They also remembered continuous travelling.When asked on the outcome of their relationship with their biological mother, most interviewees were happy, with a few experiencing some distance in this relationship. Security and being available to protect their children were important in their own motherhood and grand motherhood. In difficult family situations like divorce, they wanted to give their time and support for helping with grandchildren. Another important aspect in family life is interaction between all its members. Talking things through in families and also in War Child Associations was highly valued. However, talking of war childhood had been silenced in some families. In conclusion, the experiences of former war children should take in consideration when difficult situations between parents and children or children s positions in war zones are resolved. War children also have a lot to give for further educational study.

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This dissertation investigates the atomic power solution in Finland between 1955 - 1970. During these years a national arrangement for atomic energy technology evolved. The foundations of the Finnish atomic energy policy; the creation of basic legislation and the first governmental bodies, were laid between 1955 - 1965. In the late 1960's, the necessary technological and political decisions were made in order to purchase the first commercial nuclear reactor. A historical narration of this process is seen in the international context of "atoms for peace" policies and Cold War history in general. The geopolitical position of Finland made it necessary to become involved in the balanced participation in international scientific-technical exchange and assistive nuclear programs. The Paris Peace Treaty of 1947 categorically denied Finland acquisition of nuclear weapons. Accordingly, from the "Geneva year" of 1955, the emphasis was placed on peaceful purposes for atomic energy as well as on the education of national professionals in Finland. An initiative for the governmental atomic energy commission came from academia but the ultimate motive behind it was an anticipated structural change in the supply of national energy. Economically exploitable hydro power resources were expected to be built within ten years and atomic power was seen as a promising and complementing new energy technology. While importing fuels like coal was out of the question, because of scarce foreign currency, domestic uranium mineral deposits were considered as a potential source of nuclear fuel. Nevertheless, even then nuclear energy was regarded as just one of the possible future energy options. In the mid-1960 s a bandwagon effect of light water reactor orders was witnessed in the United States and soon elsewhere in the world. In Finland, two separate invitations for bids for nuclear reactors were initiated. This study explores at length both their preceding grounds and later phases. An explanation is given that the parallel, independent and nearly identical tenders reflected a post-war ideological rivalry between the state-owned utility Imatran Voima and private energy utilities. A private sector nuclear power association Voimayhdistys Ydin represented energy intensive paper and pulp industries and wanted to have free choice instead of being associated themselves with "the state monopoly" in energy pricing. As a background to this, a decisive change had started to happen within Finnish energy policy: private and municipal big thermal power plants became incorporated into the national hydro power production system. A characteristic phenomenon in the later history is the Soviet Union s effort to bid for the tender of Imatran Voima. A nuclear superpower was willing to take part in competition but not on a turnkey basis as Imatran Voima had presumed. As a result of many political turns and four years of negotiations the first Finnish commercial light water reactor was ordered from the East. Soon after this the private nuclear power group ordered its reactors from Sweden. This work interprets this as a reasonable geopolitical balance in choosing politically sensitive technology. Conceptually, social and political dimensions of new technology are emphasised. Negotiations on the Finnish atomic energy program are viewed as a cooperation and a struggle, where state-oriented and private-oriented regimes pose their own macro level views and goals (technopolitical imaginaries) and defend and advance their plans and practical modes of action (schemata). Here, not only technologists but even political actors are seen to contribute to technopolitical realisations.

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The aim of this study was to discover how current chemistry syllabi in the frame curricula for up- per secondary education in three Nordic countries (Finland, Norway, and Sweden) take into account topics related to the nature of chemistry. By qualitative content analysis, the statements related to the nature of chemistry were divided into categories. Conclusions and implications for improving the frame curricula under study were made by comparing results with research into the nature of science. Chemistry syllabi from the Nordic frame curricula analyzed take into account the aims related to the nature of chemistry in a very similar manner. The ideas that should be made more explicit in all of the analyzed curricula are: i) the limits of the chemical models and theories, ii) the relationship between chemistry and other natural sciences, iii) the importance of creativity in chemical research, iv) the concepts of evidence in science texts, v) the social nature of chemical research, and vi) chemistry as a technological practice.

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Lipeä on vahva emäs, jonka on havaittu lisäävän hemiselluloosan ja ligniinin hydrolyysiä pötsissä. Näin ollen lipeäkäsittelyllä on mahdollista korvata viljan mekaaninen litistys ja jauhatus. Seosrehuruokinnalla, jonka osana on lipeäkäsitelty vilja, on mahdollista vähentää liiallisesta tärkkelyksestä aiheutuvia metabolisia ongelmia pötsissä. Tämän tutkielman tarkoituksena oli selvittää lipeäkäsitellyn vehnän vaikutusta lypsylehmien syöntiin ja tuotokseen ad libitum seosrehuruokinnoilla. Ruokinnoissa korvattiin kuivaa murskattua vehnää asteittain kokonaisella lipeäkäsitellyllä vehnällä. Kontrollina oli perinteisesti käytetty kuiva, murskattu ohra-kaura seos. Koe tehtiin Ruotsin maatalousyliopiston (SLU) maataloustieteiden laitoksella Uumajassa. Koe alkoi syyskuussa ja päättyi joulukuussa 2010. Kokeessa oli 17 useamman kerran poikinutta lehmää ja 6 ensikkoa (Ruotsin punainen -rotu). Lehmät olivat lämpimässä pihattonavetassa, jossa seosrehun syöntiä mitattiin vaakakuppien avulla. Koekäsittelyt olivat murskattu ohra-kaura seos (1:1), murskattu kuiva vehnä (1:0), murskatun kuivan vehnän ja kokonaisen lipeävehnän seos (1:1) ja kokonainen lipeävehnä (1:0). Ruokintojen kuiva-ainepitoisuudeksi asetettiin 370 g/kg ja raakavalkuaispitoisuudeksi 180 g/kg kuiva-ainetta. Näennäinen ravintoaineen sulavuus määritettiin happoon liukenemattoman tuhkan avulla. Typen hyväksikäyttöä arvioitiin laskennallisen typpitaseen avulla. Koe toteutettiin 4x4 latinalaisen neliön koemallin mukaisesti ja käsittelyjen väliset tilastolliset erot testattiin kontrastien avulla. Kuiva-aineen (PQ=0,02) ja orgaanisen aineen (PQ=0,02) syönnit lisääntyivät, samalla kun niiden sulavuudet paranivat korvattaessa puolet kuivasta vehnästä lipeävehnällä. Ruokintojen välillä ei ollut tilastollisesti merkitsevää eroa maitotuotoksessa eikä energiakorjatussa maitotuotoksessa. Maidon rasvatuotos lisääntyi vähän (PQ=0,04) ja rasvapitoisuus selvästi (PQ=0,004), kun kuivasta vehnästä korvattiin puolet lipeävehnällä. Kun kaikki kuiva vehnä korvattiin lipeävehnällä, maidon valkuaispitoisuus väheni (PL<0,001). Samoin kävi maidon ureapitoisuudelle (PL=0,002). Lipeäkäsittely ei tuottanut tässä kokeessa taloudellisesti kannattavaa tulosta, sillä maidon valkuaispitoisuus väheni ja syönti lisääntyi maitotuotoksen pysyessä samana. Vehnäruokinnoista paras tuotosvaste saatiin kuivan vehnän ja lipeävehnän seoksella.

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Suomen maatalousmaihin kertynyttä fosforia hyödynnetään tehottomasti, ja samalla muokkauskerroksen suuri fosforimäärä on alttiina huuhtoutumiselle. Arbuskelimykorritsaa (AM) hyödyntämällä on mahdollista tehostaa viljelykasvin fosforinottoa ja kasvua, ja siten vähentää fosforin huuhtoutumista. Tämän tutkielman tavoitteena oli selvittää mykorritsan vaikutus kasvin kasvuun ja fosforinottoon karjanlantalannoituksella mineraalilannoitukseen verrattuna sekä näiden lannoitusten pitkäaikaisvaikutusta AM-sieniyhteisöihin. Jotta lannoituskäytäntöjen vaikutus mykorritsaan voitiin suhteuttaa muihin maan laatutekijöihin, näiden käytäntöjen vaikutus myös satomääriin sekä muihin maan laatumittareihin arvioitiin. Pitkäaikainen kenttäkoe perustettiin kolmelle paikkakunnalle Pohjois-Ruotsissa vuosina 1965–66. Kuusivuotinen viljelykierto koostui joko viisivuotisesta nurmesta ja ohrasta tai ohramonokulttuurista. Lannoituskäsittelyt 32-vuoden ajan olivat suositusten mukainen (NPK) ja edelliseen nähden kaksinkertainen (2NPK) mineraalilannoitus sekä karjanlantalannoitus (KL), jonka ravinnemäärä vastasi NPK -käsittelyä. Kolmen lannoituskäsittelyn vaikutusta mykorritsan tehokkuuteen kasvin kasvun ja fosforiravitsemuksen näkökulmasta tutkittiin astiakokeissa. Mykorritsasieniyhteisöjen toiminnallisten erojen selvittämiseksi tehtiin takaisin- ja ristiinsiirrostuskoe. (5 v-%) steriloitua maanäytettä NPK- ja KL -käsittelyistä siirrostettiin käsittelemättömiin maanäytteisiin, jotka olivat samoista lannoituskäsittelyistä. Mykorritsan positiivinen vaikutus kasvin kasvuun ja fosforiravitsemukseen oli suurin kun käytettiin karjanlantaa. NPK ja 2NPK -käsittelyiden välillä ei havaittu eroja. Takaisin- ja ristiinsiirrostuskokeessa ei ollut tilastollisesti merkitseviä eroja. Nurmi- ja ohrasadot olivat suurimmat kun mineraalilannoitetta annettiin suosituksiin nähden kaksinkertainen määrä. Satomäärät olivat yhtä suuret tai suuremmat kun käytettiin karjanlantaa NPK –lannoituksen sijaan. Karjanlantakäsittely lisäsi maaperän kokonaishiili- ja kokonaistyppipitoisuutta verrattuna NPK -käsittelyyn, joka sisälsi saman määrän ravinteita. Samalla huuhtoutumiselle altis liukoisen fosforin pitoisuus säilyi alhaisella tasolla. Karjanlanta edisti mykorritsan toimintaedellytyksiä, ja siksi mykorritsasta saatua hyötyä fosforinotossa ja kasvuvaikutuksena mineraalilannoitteisiin verrattuna, mutta se ei vaikuttanut mykorritsasieniyhteisön toiminnallisiin ominaisuuksiin. Karjanlantalannoitus paransi mitattuja maan ominaisuuksia kokonaisuudessaan, eikä se vähentänyt satoja.

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The aim of the study is to investigate the use of finlandisms in an historical perspective, how they have been viewed from the mid-19th century to this day, and the effect of language planning on their use. A finlandism is a word, a phrase, or a structure that is used only in the Swedish varieties used in Finland (i.e. in Finland Swedish), or used in these varieties in a different meaning than in the Swedish used in Sweden. Various aspects of Finland-Swedish language planning are discussed in relation to language planning generally; in addition, the relation of Finland Swedish to Standard Swedish and standard regional varieties is discussed, and various types of finlandisms are analysed in detail. A comprehensive picture is provided of the emergence and evolution of the ideology of language planning from the mid-19th century up until today. A theoretical model of corpus planning is presented and its effect on linguistic praxis described. One result of the study is that the belief among Finland-Swedish language planners that the Swedish language in Finland must not be allowed to become distanced from Standard Swedish, has been widely adopted by the average Finland Swede, particularly during the interwar period, following the publication of Hugo Bergroth s work Finlandssvenska in 1917. Criticism of this language-planning ideology started to appear in the 1950s, and intensified in the 1970s. However, language planning and the basis for this conception of language continue to enjoy strong support among Swedish-speaking Finns. I show that the editing of Finnish literary texts written in Swedish has often been somewhat amateurish and the results not always linguistically appropriate, and that Swedish publishers have in fact adopted a rather liberal attitude towards finlandisms. My conclusion is that language planning has achieved rather modest results in its resistance to finlandisms. Most of the finlandisms used in 1915 were still in use in 2005. Finlandisms occur among speakers of all ages, and even among academically educated people despite their more elevated style. The most common finlandisms were used by informants of all ages. The ones that are firmly rooted are the most established, in other words those that are stylistically neutral, seemingly genuinely Swedish, but which are nevertheless strongly supported by Finnish, and display a shift in meaning as compared with Standard Swedish.

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The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.

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This study examines young people s political participation in transnational meetings. Methodologically the study aims to shed light on multi-sited global ethnography. Young people are viewed here as a social age group sensitive to critical, alternative and even radical political participation. The diversity of the young actors and their actions is captured by using several different methods. What is more, the study spurs us coming from the Global North to develop social science research towards methodological cosmopolitanism and to consider our research practices from a moral cosmopolitan perspective. The research sites are the EU Presidency Youth Event (2006 Hyvinkää, Finland), the Global Young Greens Founding Conference (2007 Nairobi, Kenya), the European Social Forum (2008 Malmö, Sweden) and three World Social Forums (2006 Bamako, Mali; 2007 Nairobi Kenya and 2009 Belém, Brazil). The data consists of participant observation, documents and media articles of the meetings, interviews, photos, video, and internet data. This multidisciplinary study combines youth research, development studies, performative social science and political sociology. In this research the diverse field of youth political participation in transnational agoras is studied by using a cross-table of cosmopolitan resources (or the lack of them) and everydaymakers expert citizen dichotomy. First, the young participants of the EU Presidency youth event are studied as an example of expert citizens with cosmopolitan resources (these resources include, for example, language skills, higher education and international social network). Second, the study analyses those everyday-makers who use performative politics to demonstrate their political missions here and now. But in order to make the social movement global they need cosmopolitan resources to be able to use the social media tools and work globally. Third, the study reflects upon the difficulties of reaching those actors who lack cosmopolitan resources, either everyday-makers or expert citizens. The go-along method and the use of the interpreters are shown as ways to reach these young people s political missions. Fourth, the research underlines the importance of contact zones (i.e. spaces or situations where the aforementioned orientations and their differences temporarily disappear or weaken) for deeper democracy and for boosted dialogue between different kinds of participants. Keywords: political participation, young people, multi-sited ethnography, youth research, political sociology, development studies, performative social science

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This paper explores the spatial conceptualisation of the themes of diaspora, displacement and desire in cinema, particularly in the work of Nuri Bilge Ceylan (Uzak) , Fatih Akin (Gegen Die Wand) and Michael Winterbottom (Code 46). All three directors explore the imagined cinematic city as a site of multiple (un)belongings and interrogate how notions of identity are displaced and disrupted by geopolitics, by the city and by cinema itself. Both Ceylan and Akin’s visions of Istanbul are haunted by Beyoglu, both as the site of Istanbul’s contemporary cultural regeneration and by unspoken histories repressed by the Republic’s offical rhetoric of Turkish identity. In contrast Akin and Winterbottom’s heterotopias of the hotel and the hospital provide possible metaphors for these dislocated global identities. This paper will engage with a series of questions. What is the (imagined) place created between the viewer and the screen, or is it a non-place? Do the identities/ memories created there produce a ‘third space’? This paper uses Winnicot, Soja and Bhabha to ask what that third space might be and its consequences for a contemporary global Turkish identity. If these films depict a (Freudian) screen memory of dislocated subjectivities then what is being suppressed and sutured?

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Many pieces of legislation have been implemented with the anticipation - or justification - that they will have a deterrent effect. Deterrence was clearly argued in the debate preceding the Swedish prostitution law prohibiting the purchase of sexual services, but less so regarding the Dangerous Dogs Act, which was a very rapid response to a particular moral panic. As it turned out, the Swedish law has had a deterrent effect on street prostitution in that 'respectable' buyers were deterred. It will be argued that it is this very 'respectability' that makes deterrence work in this case. Regarding the Dangerous Dogs Act, the owners of Pit Bulls and other banned breeds are not considered 'respectable' and the banning might have had the reversed effect - increasing the attraction of these dogs, rather than deterring the ownership. Apart from deterrence and its consequences, the rendering invisible of key actors - buyers and owners respectively - and the use of symbolic legislation to promote moral messages will also be considered. [From the Author]