290 resultados para Legitimation


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El propósito de este estudio es describir la relación entre los estilos de liderazgo, la percepción que tiene el personal asistencial en relación con las tácticas de influencia y la percepción de la calidad de vida profesional de los trabajadores de un hospital de cuarto nivel de la ciudad de Bogotá. Para ello, se utilizaron tres instrumentos: MLQ -5X, IBQ y CVP35 respectivamente. Se encontraron relaciones positivas entre dos componentes de la calidad de vida profesional, asociaciones fuertes entre las tácticas de influencia que se caracterizan por basarse en el conocimiento como mediador en el trabajo y, en relación con los estilos de liderazgo, las tácticas de legitimación y presión se relacionan con el estilo transaccional.

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Este estudio de caso analiza en qué medida la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Colombia y Corea del Sur obedece a estrategias políticas y/o costo beneficio económico por parte de este último. La hipótesis en el presente trabajo es que la firma del TLC entre ambos países se debe a la existencia de intereses compartidos. Por un lado, existen intereses económicos, debido a que Corea del Sur es un actor racional que busca siempre maximizar sus beneficios a través del aumento del tamaño de sus mercados. En este sentido, Colombia le sirve como plataforma para exportación de productos coreanos utilizando los acuerdos comerciales ya establecidos. Así mismo, existen intereses políticos que son permeados por medio de la cooperación internacional y que le pueden servir al Estado surcoreano en un proceso de búsqueda de legitimar de su imagen dentro del Sistema Internacional vis-a-vis de su relación con Corea del Norte. Este trabajo será de tipo descriptivo y explicativo. Para el desarrollo se utilizará la metodología cualitativa, ya que se ahonda en las especificidades del caso para entender cómo se dio éste fenómeno en particular. Como fuentes de recolección de información se utilizan entrevistas y análisis de documentos oficiales de la Embajada de Corea y discursos del Embajador Choo Jong Youn.

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El presente artículo realiza una crítica a la regulación actual del trabajo doméstico y a la últimareforma legal sobre la materia, que incluyó la economía del cuidado en las cuentas nacionales.La autora argumenta que el derecho crea los incentivos suficientes para producir a lasmujeres como actores ineficientes del mercado, utilizando mecanismos legales que disponenlas obligaciones femeninas como prestaciones naturales asociadas con la maternidad y elcuidado del hogar. Los costos que socialmente pagamos por sostener la opresión femeninaestán externalizados en esquemas como el sistema de salud, el diseño pensional y la brechade igualdad salarial para las mujeres. El artículo concluye mostrando cómo la contingenciade la regulación actual del trabajo doméstico y el costo social asociado a ella puede alterarsecon reformas incrementales que aumenten el posicionamiento social de las mujeres entérminos de poder y recursos.

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RESUMEN En esta monografía el interés es comprender la dimensión de la captura del estado, su complejidad y cómo ha penetrado en la cultura política institucional de nuestro país; así mismo, el análisis permite entender el grado de influencia de los grupos de poder para lograr leyes y regulaciones a favor suyo en detrimento del interés general. Este trabajo aborda dicho fenómeno en los procesos de formulación e implementación de la política pública de Agro Ingreso Seguro – AIS– y explica consecuencias y efectos de la captura del Estado en su gobernabilidad y eficacia social. Para ello se desarrolló una investigación de tipo documental que permitió identificar el grado de legitimación de los propósitos de la política pública poniendo en perspectiva la intervención de agentes capturadores en el proceso de implementación de la política Agro Ingreso Seguro.

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El propósito de este trabajo de grado es identificar las claves analíticas que ofrecen el análisis del discurso y la teoría de la imagen que permitan estudiar el discurso legitimador en el narco-cine colombiano escogido. Se estudiará, analizará y definirán la de la cultura de la ilegalidad en Colombia. En este trabajo las claves analíticas definidas son aplicadas para verificar su efectividad y capacidad en la investigación que busca analizar cómo el cine hace parte del discurso político por medio de una investigación que se apoya en categorías de la ciencia y la comunicación política.

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El objetivo principal de esta monografía es identificar cuáles son las razones que justifican las contradicciones entre el discurso y el comportamiento de Estados Unidos en el marco de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, particularmente con relación a prácticas anticompetitivas derivadas del programa de protección a la agricultura del país. Para ello se analizan el interés nacional y los elementos de la seguridad nacional a partir de los cuales éste se ha construido. También se evalúan los procesos de formulación de política comercial y las interacciones entre los representantes políticos, las asociaciones de productores y el sector privado para mostrar como este comportamiento contradictorio corresponde a la legitimización de un interés particular.

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El interés por los valores subraya la ineludible dimensión ética de la educación. Así, los valores son aquello que propicia la consecución de una vida plena, cumplida; aquello que hace que la vida merezca la pena vivirla. Y al hablar de valores de lo que se trata es de la formación del carácter, una auténtica necesidad si se quiere hablar de educación en sentido pleno. Cuando se trata de hablar de valores inclinarse sobre uno u otro es tener una preferencia subjetiva, no justificable racionalmente, ni por tanto compatible, ya que todas las opciones son legítimas. Pero es difícil ser neutral y en la discusión ética es más difícil lograr el consenso. Las preferencias brotarán de la herencia recibida , de la digestión, del tiempo que haya y de la asociación de ideas. Esos contenidos valiosos se nos desvelan poco a poco, sólo en la medida en que uno aprende a objetivar sus intereses. Por eso la formación, la creación de intereses objetivos, el conocimiento de los valores de la realidad, es un elemento esencial para una vida lograda si uno está dispuesto a someterse a los valores, aumenta su capacidad de conocerlos; y a la inversa. Ese conocimiento de los valores no se adquiere por el discurso o la enseñanza, sino por la experiencia o la práctica. Por otro lado, el carácter apremiante de los valores está casi siempre en razón inversa de su altura: los más altos los que producen más gozo. En esta captación de los valores dos obstáculos principales: la apatía y la ceguera de la pasión.

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Established following the Conservative Party's election victory in April 1992, the Department of National Heritage has been heralded as an important stage in the growing recognition of the significance of the leisure industry to Britain. By combining, for the first time, responsibility for sport, tourism, the arts, libraries, heritage, broadcasting and film, and by providing them with Cabinet representation, a unique opportunity has, seemingly, been provided to develop and promote the interests of leisure in Britain. This paper takes the view that although this initiative has been broadly welcomed, there are important inconsistencies which require attention. On the one hand the selection of the portfolio appears somewhat eclectic. On the other hand, it is questionable why such a department should have been developed at all. An inspection of the implicit ideology suggests that rather than the traditional use of the state to promote leisure interests, the introduction of the department signifies a shift to the use of leisure to promote the Government's interests. Thus the new Department of National Heritage is to be used as a central feature in the legitimation of the government's political programme. Rather than emphasising its traditional quasi-welfare role, the new place for leisure and heritage is firmly in the market economy. Whilst a leisured society may be the epitome of post-industrialism, therefore, the citizen rights claim for access to leisure activities can only be secured by engaging with the market. This legitimised construction of post- modern citizenship is at the centre of a new political order where choice has been replaced by means and where the classless paradigm championed by the Prime Minister will be a classlessness of constructed omission.

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The chapter explores the role of legitimacy in statebuilding. It first explores the concept of legitimacy and why it matters for successful statebuilding; it surveys how international statebilding efforts have tried to strengthen the legitimacy of post-conflict states; and examines the practices of local ownership in statebuilding, and how they relate to legitimation efforts.

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While it was happening, European expansion was often legitimised by evoking frontier images: pioneers setting off from the metropolis, penetrating wilderness in order to open access to resources, like minerals, living-space, and fertile lands. Central to the ideology of the frontier is the notion of 'no-man's land'. These 'pioneers', however, often had to face local inhabitants and their interpretations and uses of this land. Thus it will be argued that contestations over landscape were at the same time battles over the legitimation of European expansion, as well as over local perceptions of this process. Ideologically, contestations by Europeans and Africans become apparent in the sexualisation of landscape. This paper is based on the case study of a Valley in eastern Zimbabwe on the border with Mozambique, and more specifically of two tea estates which were established in the rainforest. Unusually late for the region, European influence in this remote area only began to become significant in the 1950s which were an important turning point regarding land and landscape in the area. These years of great change will be analysed in order to map out different strands of interest by the main parties involved. It will be demonstrated that their readings of landscape translated into contestations over land. A recent example of such a conflict will be given.

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Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's notion of regionalist discourse as the performative legitimation of specific frontiers, this article examines how the English traveller Samuel Jackson Pratt mediated a picture of the Welsh to late eighteenth-century readers in his Gleanings Through Wales, Holland and Westphalia (1795). This process of mediation was further complicated by the translation of this work into German as the Aehrenlese auf einer Reise durch Wallis, which appeared with the Leipzig publisher Lincke in 1798. While this work made an important contribution to German Celtophilia in the Romantic period, the German translator was careful to omit its more Sternean passages, in favour of factual narrative. Pratt's account of his travel through Wales, mediated in turn to a German audience through its Leipzig translator, therefore embodies several layers of cultural transfer that generate a complex and multifaceted image of Wales at the close of the eighteenth century.

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This chapter examines the importance of legitimacy for international organizations, and their efforts to legitimate themselves vis-à-vis different audiences. Legitimacy, which for decades barely featured in the scholarly analysis of international organizations, has since the late 1990s been an increasingly important lens through which the processes, practices, and structures of international organizations have been examined. The chapter makes three main arguments. First, it argues that in most international organizations the most important actors engaging in legitimation efforts are not the supranational bureaucracies, but member states. This has important implications for our understanding of the purposes of seeking legitimacy, and for the possible practices. Second, legitimacy and legitimation serve a range of purposes for these states, beyond achieving greater compliance with their decisions, which has been one of the key functional logics highlighted for legitimacy in the literature. Instead, legitimacy is frequently sought to exclude outsiders from the functional or territorial domains affected by an international organization’s authority, or to maintain external material and political support for existing arrangements. Third, one of the most prominent legitimation efforts, institutional reforms, often prioritizes form over function, signalling to important and powerful audiences to encourage their continued material and political support. To advance these arguments, the chapter is divided into four sections. The first develops the concept of legitimacy and its application to international organizations, and then asks why their legitimacy has become such an important intellectual and political concern in recent years. The second part will look in more detail at the legitimation practices of international organizations, focusing on who engages in these practices, who the key audiences are, and how legitimation claims are advanced. The third section will look in more detail at one of the most common forms of legitimation – institutional reform – through the lens of two such reforms in international organizations: efforts towards greater interoperability in NATO, and the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture in the African Union (AU). The chapter will conclude with some reflections of the contribution that a legitimacy perspective has made to our understanding of the practices of international organizations.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to seek to shed light on the practice of incomplete corporate disclosure of quantitative Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and investigates whether external stakeholder pressure influences the existence, and separately, the completeness of voluntary GHG emissions disclosures by 431 European companies. Design/methodology/approach – A classification of reporting completeness is developed with respect to the scope, type and reporting boundary of GHG emissions based on the guidelines of the GHG Protocol, Global Reporting Initiative and the Carbon Disclosure Project. Logistic regression analysis is applied to examine whether proxies for exposure to climate change concerns from different stakeholder groups influence the existence and/or completeness of quantitative GHG emissions disclosure. Findings – From 2005 to 2009, on average only 15 percent of companies that disclose GHG emissions report them in a manner that the authors consider complete. Results of regression analyses suggest that external stakeholder pressure is a determinant of the existence but not the completeness of emissions disclosure. Findings are consistent with stakeholder theory arguments that companies respond to external stakeholder pressure to report GHG emissions, but also with legitimacy theory claims that firms can use carbon disclosure, in this case the incomplete reporting of emissions, as a symbolic act to address legitimacy exposures. Practical implications – Bringing corporate GHG emissions disclosure in line with recommended guidelines will require either more direct stakeholder pressure or, perhaps, a mandated disclosure regime. In the meantime, users of the data will need to carefully consider the relevance of the reported data and develop the necessary competencies to detect and control for its incompleteness. A more troubling concern is that stakeholders may instead grow to accept less than complete disclosure. Originality/value – The paper represents the first large-scale empirical study into the completeness of companies’ disclosure of quantitative GHG emissions and is the first to analyze these disclosures in the context of stakeholder pressure and its relation to legitimation.

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A orientação teórica que divide a nossa sociedade em um modelo Industrial e em um modelo Pós-Industrial vem ganhando cada vez mais espaço e importância no estudo das organizações. Vários estudos acadêmicos nacionais e estrangeiros relatam o fato de que as organizações atuais mudam rapidamente o seu discurso a fim de adaptar-se às modificações que ocorrem nos processos produtivos e na gestão de pessoas, porém a implementação prática destas mudanças não ocorre de modo tão rápido quanto quer a mudança no discurso. Dado este período de transição, a distância entre a teoria professada e a prática efetiva nas organizações aumenta, surgindo maiores contradições entre discurso e prática, o que tem conseqüências para a produtividade. Estudamos neste projeto dois modelos de Gestão de Pessoas: O modelo Instrumental e o Modelo Político. Muitas organizações dizem que adotam o modelo Político, mas na prática mantém estruturas próximas ao modelo Instrumental. Neste relatório realizamos dois estudos de caso: Um em uma grande empresa nacional, a Souza Cruz, onde a empresa conseguiu superar a dicotomia discurso-ação implantando gradualmente o modelo Político de Recursos Humanos em consonância com a implementação de um sistema de informação que modificou toda a área de gestão de pessoas. Em segundo lugar, apresentamos um outro estudo de caso realizado em uma grande cooperativa Agro-Industrial onde já havia se consolidado práticas relativas ao modelo Político de Gestão de Pessoas e a implementação do modelo Instrumental, em uma ação top-down pelo presidente provocou fenômenos de resistência à mudança e a não implementação efetiva do ERP Entreprise Resource Planning na organização. Comparamos assim um estudo de caso que confirma a problemática levantada pela revisão da literatura (o da cooperativa) e um outro estudo de caso que oferece pistas de como evitar-se este problema, construir um sistema organizacional coerente e seguir em frente monitorando um sistema de aprendizagem baseado no modelo Político de Recursos Humanos.

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This research analyses the process of academic and practical formation of a particular group of political elite in Brazil, the economists. So, one characterizes the graduate programs of economics, in terms of their theoretical approach, their relationships with the government and private enterprises. The study also takes into account the role played by the applied research and economic planning agencies in the process of legitimation of the economists as ruling elites in Brazil.