The multiple hierarchical legislatures in representative democracy

Multiple hierarchical models of representative democracies in which, for instance, voters elect county representatives, county representatives elect district representatives, district representatives elect state representatives and state representatives a president, reduces the number of electors a representative is answerable for, and therefore, considering each level separately, these models could come closer to direct democracy. In this paper we show that worst case policy bias increases with the number of hierarchical levels. This also means that the opportunities of a gerrymanderer increase in the number of hierarchical levels.

Mapping the regulatory environment : implications for construction firms

As regulators, governments are often criticised for over‐regulating industries. This research project seeks to examine the regulation affecting the construction industry in a federal system of government. It uses a case study of the Australian system of government to focus on the question of the implications of regulation in the construction industry. Having established the extent of the regulatory environment, the research project considers the costs associated with this environment. Consequently, ways in which the regulatory burden on industry can be reduced are evaluated. The Construction Industry Business Environment project is working with industry and government agencies to improve regulatory harmonisation in Australia, and thereby reduce the regulatory burden on industry. It is found that while taxation and compliance costs are not likely to be reduced in the short term, costs arising from having to adapt to variation between regulatory regimes in a federal system of government, seem the most promising way of reducing regulatory costs. Identifying and reducing adaptive costs across jurisdictional are argued to present a novel approach to regulatory reform.

Behavioural evidence for social preferences

A central topic in economics is the existence of social preferences. Behavioural economics in general has approached the issue from several angles. Controlled experimental settings, surveys, and field experiments are able to show that in a number of economic environments, people usually care about immaterial things such as fairness or equity of allocations. Findings from experimental economics specifically have lead to large increase in theories addressing social preferences. Most (pro)social phenomena are well understood in the experimental settings but very difficult to observe 'in the wild'. One criticism in this regard is that many findings are bound by the artificial environment of the computer lab or survey method used. A further criticism is that the traditional methods also fail to directly attribute the observed behaviour to the mental constructs that are expected to stand behind them. This thesis will first examine the usefulness of sports data to test social preference models in a field environment, thus overcoming limitations of the lab with regards to applicability to other - non-artificial - environments. The second major contribution of this research establishes a new neuroscientific tool - the measurement of the heart rate variability - to observe participants' emotional reactions in a traditional experimental setup.

ICANN and the concept of democratic deficit

The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) is an institution besieged. It has endeavored to be democratic but its attempts to do so have been disastrous. The typical explanation for this is that the problem is with ICANN: it fails to meet its democratic obligations. My view is that the problem is with our understanding of "democracy." Democracy is an empty concept that fails to describe few, if any, of our genuine political commitments. In the real world, the failings inherent in "democracy" have been papered over by some unusual characteristics of the physical political process. However, in online trans-national institutions like ICANN, democracy is exposed as a poor substitute for a number of other conceptions of our political commitments. This Article seeks to articulate these political commitments and to explain why democracy and ICANN are such a poor mix. It begins by charting the rise of ICANN and its attempts to be democratic. It then explains why democracy is an empty shell of a concept. It then explores some features of democracy and ICANN, explaining why the online world exposes limitations in implications of democracy such as the nature of the demos, the idea of constituencies, direct democracy, voting, and the like. It concludes that ICANN's example demonstrates that democracy is in fact anything but a coherent general theory of political action. We need to consider, then, whether we should continue to berate ICANN for its undemocratic actions.

Combat drag

A single channel video work that explores the idea that the clothed body is often the first point of protest and demonstrates how masks and disguses provide collective power and protection in conflict zones. With catalogue.

An empirical examination of the consequences of national pride: Analyses of survey and experimental data

National pride is both an important and understudied topic with respect to economic behaviour, hence this thesis investigates whether: 1) there is a "light" side of national pride through increased compliance, and a "dark" side linked to exclusion; 2) successful priming of national pride is linked to increased tax compliance; and 3) East German post-reunification outmigration is related to loyalty. The project comprises three related empirical studies, analysing evidence from a large, aggregated, international survey dataset; a tax compliance laboratory experiment combining psychological priming with measurement of heart rate variability; and data collected after the fall of the Berlin Wall (a situation approximating a natural experiment).

Honesty in the provision of expert services: The effect of naturalistic framings and participants' professions

This thesis studies the incentives and behaviour of providers of expert services, like doctors, financial advisors and mechanics. The focus is in particular on provision of health care using a series of credence goods experiments conducted to investigate undertreatment, overtreatment and overcharging in a medical context. The findings of study one suggest that a medical framing compared to a neutral framing significantly increases pro-social behaviour for standard participants in economic experiments. Study two compares the behaviour of medical practitioners - mainly doctors - to students. It is observed that medical doctors’ undertreat and overcharge significantly less, but at the same time overtreat significantly more than students. The final study compares behaviours for other experts - accountants, engineers and lawyers - using experimental framings drawn from the respective contexts and students from the respective faculties as participants in credence goods experiments.

Soberania popular e reforma constitucional : acerca da legitimação democrática da mudança constitucional

Discute como os processos de mudança constitucional se relacionam com o princípio da soberania popular. A inadequação das respostas dadas a esse dilema pela teoria constitucional liberal e autoritária provê a oportunidade para, a partir de premissas da teoria discursiva, apontar uma alternativa capaz de conciliar constitucionalismo e democracia. Por fim, as premissas teóricas organizadas ao longo do texto são utilizadas para analisar a proposta de emenda à Constituição n. 157, de 2003, em especial quanto ao papel que a democracia direta exerce (ou pode exercer) na legitimação dos processos de mudança constitucional.

A Auditoria Interna como ferramenta de melhoria dos controles internos de uma organização: Estudo de caso em uma empresa do segmento industrial do Rio de Janeiro

A alteração no sistema de controles internos da empresa estudada teve como marco principal a mudança do foco no trabalho da auditoria interna, que começou a desempenhar suas atividades de forma estruturada e seguindo uma metodologia específica; além, de perseguir um objetivo estratégico da organização. A auditoria interna, antes do processo de certificação do sistema de controles internos exigido pela seção 404 da SOX, era apenas um instrumento de detecção de erros e compliance fiscal, que baseava seus trabalhos somente em fatos passados, com a constatação de deficiências de controles. Todavia, sem assessorar a alta a administração da empresa na resolução das deficiências, objetivando a implementação das melhorias dos controles internos. Com a necessidade de certificação da eficácia dos controles internos, a partir do ano de 2005, o foco dos trabalhos de auditoria interna foi direcionado para lograr melhorias nos métodos de controle, gestão de riscos, prevenção de fraudes e erros, nos processos operacionais, contábeis e financeiros da organização. O objetivo dessa pesquisa foi, por meio de estudo de caso único, mensurar os principais procedimentos realizados para a implantação do sistema de controles internos da empresa estudada, incluindo a metodologia adotada, o modelo escolhido, o processo de controle estabelecido, a identificação e avaliação dos principais riscos e controles, bem como a forma de seleção, avaliação e teste dos controles internos existentes. Buscou-se coletar dados preconizados pela literatura de autores renomados e analisar as diversas bibliografias, com o objetivo de comparar com a pesquisa que foi realizada nos documentos fornecidos pela empresa analisada. Este estudo levantou pontos importantes sobre o processo de gestão da empresa e da forma como se utilizou da auditoria interna como ferramenta para a melhoria de seus controles internos. Destacam-se a geração de valor empresarial que um bom ambiente de controle interno traz e os motivos que levam uma organização a implementar uma área de auditoria interna, com especial atenção ao foco de assessoramento e consultoria, alinhado as práticas internacionais de auditoria interna. Entretanto, apesar de observar melhorias na atuação da auditoria interna da organização, constata-se a necessidade de alinhamento de algumas práticas internacionais, ainda não implementadas. Descobriu-se, também, que a auditoria interna, com o devido emporwerment da alta administração, e utilizando-se das técnicas atuais e internacionais, aumentam a confiabilidade do sistema de controles internos e com isso geram valor às suas organizações. Nesta pesquisa pôde-se constatar a utilização da auditoria interna como ferramenta de gestão de recursos organizacionais, ocasionando melhorias no sistema de controles internos da empresa, e ficando constatada, por meio de auditoria executada por firma independente, a irrefutável melhoria dos controles internos da organização estudada.

e-Participação : estudo sobre a participação em ambiente Web 2.0

Como reflexo da crescente disponibilização de recursos tecnológicos em ambiente Web 2.0 tem-se assistido, de forma gradual, a um contraponto de ordem social à inércia do poder político em sede da participação, traduzido numa intervenção mais ativa dos cidadãos, individualmente ou sob a forma de grupos de interesses, com recurso a processos de interação nos media participativos, nomeadamente nas redes sociais. Embora seja possível reconhecer alguma evolução no sentido da transparência na ação dos Governos, através de canais habitualmente mais vocacionados para procedimentos comunicacionais de natureza unidirecional, este estudo decorreu no sentido da caraterização das práticas participativas dos cidadãos, em ambiente digital, e das políticas e canais disponibilizados pelas administrações públicas, nomeadamente no âmbito da EU, em função dos compromissos assumidos por parte dos seus Estados-Membros para a criação e implementação de mecanismos de interação, no sentido de uma democracia digital, que enquanto conceção, enquadraria a participação dos cidadãos. Com este estudo pretendeu-se identificar necessidades e expectativas dos cidadãos, no contexto da cidadania participativa ou da democracia digital, sendo referenciados contextos enquadradores, correspondentes aos níveis da intervenção no exercício da cidadania em ambiente Web e ao estado da arte da componente que nessa matéria caberia aos Estados, nomeadamente no contexto da União Europeia e em particular, em Portugal. Para a concretização deste trabalho recorreu-se a bibliografia diversa, a exemplos práticos e à expressão da opinião de entidades singulares de reconhecido mérito e de representantes de Organizações da sociedade civil, sob a forma de entrevistas, parecendo pode retirar-se que as TIC não terão de assumir como objetivo procurar implantar uma democracia direta, em detrimento do contexto representativo, antes vir o seu potencial tecnológico a assumir um papel relevante no âmbito da complementaridade de interesses entre os poderes e os cidadãos.

(Des)vantagens do regime especial de tributação dos grupos de sociedades

Dissertação para obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Contabilidade e Finanças Orientador: Mestre, Gabriela Pinheiro

Planeamento fiscal abusivo: exemplificação de alguns esquemas

Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Instituto de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Contabilidade e Finanças sobre a orientação do Doutor José Campos Amorim.

Business plan analysis of a Brazilian software company

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

On Complexity of Lobbying in Multiple Referenda

In this paper we show that lobbying in conditions of “direct democracy” is virtually impossible, even in conditions of complete information about voters preferences, since it would require solving a very computationally hard problem. We use the apparatus of parametrized complexity for this purpose.