El Concilio de Constanza y el fin del Cisma : el rol del reino de Castilla en el camino hacia la unidad

Resumen: El Concilio de Constanza (1414-1418) fue la instancia definitiva de solución del Cisma de Occidente. Sus decisiones condujeron

Reprodução eleitoral, especialização ou cartelização legislativa? A Comissão de Minas e Energia da Câmara dos Deputados em pauta

Avalia a dinâmica da Comissão de Minas e Energia da Câmara dos Deputados, entre 2003 e 2006, sob o enfoque das Teorias do Legislativo e do Agenda Setting, tendo-se verificado dominância das perspectivas distributivista e partidária sobre a informacional, visto que os trabalhos no âmbito do órgão nortearam-se por preferências do Poder Executivo e que a motivação de seus membros centrou-se na reeleição.

A associação de questões aos partidos políticos e as eleições presidenciais no Brasil

Uma questão central em uma democracia é descobrir o que leva os eleitores a decidir por um candidato em vez de outro. Em democracias já estabelecidas, fatores como a identificação partidária e o elevado nível de informações disponíveis durante a campanha diminuem a possibilidade de persuasão dos eleitores. Já nas novas democracias, como é o caso do Brasil, acredita-se que a identificação partidária é baixa e, por conta disso, os eleitores têm dificuldades em associar determinadas questões aos partidos políticos. No presente artigo busca-se verificar se há indícios da associação de questões aos partidos políticos durante as campanhas presidenciais no Brasil de 2002 a 2010

Turnout Intention and Social Networks

How can networking affect the turnout in an election? We present a simple model to explain turnout as a result of a dynamic process of formation of the intention to vote within Erdös-Renyi random networks. Citizens have fixed preferences for one of two parties and are embedded in a given social network. They decide whether or not to vote on the basis of the attitude of their immediate contacts. They may simply follow the behavior of the majority (followers) or make an adaptive local calculus of voting (Downsian behavior). So they either have the intention of voting when the majority of their neighbors are willing to vote too, or they vote when they perceive in their social neighborhood that elections are "close". We study the long run average turnout, interpreted as the actual turnout observed in an election. Depending on the combination of values of the two key parameters, the average connectivity and the probability of behaving as a follower or in a Downsian fashion, the system exhibits monostability (zero turnout), bistability (zero turnout and either moderate or high turnout) or tristability (zero, moderate and high turnout). This means, in particular, that for a wide range of values of both parameters, we obtain realistic turnout rates, i.e. between 50% and 90%.

Transparência do orçamento público brasileiro : exame dos documentos orçamentários da União e uma proposta de estrutura para o Orçamento-Cidadão

Sugere medidas para o aperfeiçoamento da transparência do sistema orçamentário federal brasileiro. A partir de pesquisa exploratória busca relacionar o instituto do orçamento público aos conceitos de planejamento, participação popular, controle social, cidadania, accountability e democracia - relações que fundamentam a defesa da transparência orçamentária. Examina se são emitidos dez documentos orçamentários e avalia seus conteúdos. São eles: Declaração Pré-Orçamentária, Proposta de Orçamento do Executivo, Orçamento, Relatórios Mensais, Relatório Semestral, Relatório Anual, Relatório do Auditor, Relatório Pré-Eleitoral, Relatório Plurianual e Orçamento-Cidadão.

Evaluation of the conventional surveying equipment applied to deformation analysis of heritage buildings. A case study: the bell tower of Santa María la Blanca church in Agoncillo (La Rioja, Spain)

Contributed to: "Measuring the Changes": 13th FIG International Symposium on Deformation Measurements and Analysis; 4th IAG Symposium on Geodesy for Geotechnical and Structural Enginering (Lisbon, Portugal, May 12-15, 2008).

Atuação da Câmara dos Deputados na regulamentação das normas para eleição dos membros do PARLASUL de 2014

O Brasil precisa definir sua situação da representação parlamentar no parlamento do MERCOSUL, o PARLASUL. Importantes questões não estão sendo tratadas com a devida atenção, pois atualmente os Parlamentares da Representação Brasileira do MERCOSUL são os políticos em atividade no Congresso Nacional, indicados pelos partidos, de forma semelhante às outras comissões do Senado e da Câmara dos Deputados e dividem suas extensas atividades diárias com os trabalhos desse novo parlamento e isso acaba comprometendo a atuação perante esse bloco econômico. Para tal, está tramitando na Câmara dos Deputados o Projeto de Lei nº 5279 de 2009, de autoria do Deputado Carlos Zarattini, que estabelece normas para as eleições dos parlamentares do MERCOSUL. Por ser um projeto de grande relevância, sua tramitação está sendo longa. Além disto, apresenta pontos polêmicos que afetam diretamente outra grande discussão do ambiente político nacional, a reforma política, principalmente com sistema de listas preordenadas pelos partidos políticos e o financiamento público exclusivo de campanha. Analisa o comportamento dos parlamentares brasileiros na estrutura de escolha dos representantes para o PARLASUL, que tendem a aprovar o projeto. Para um maior entendimento desta eleição e de todo processo da criação de um bloco econômico, a pesquisa aborda desde os primórdios das Relações Internacionais que originaram a criação de uma integração sul-americana, bem como um exame dos dados históricos da evolução do MERCOSUL e do PARLASUL.

A escolha democrática dos representantes por meio do voto eletrônico e a manutenção e continuidade da democracia com auxílio da urna eletrônica

Apresenta a urna eletrônica como agente essencial para a manutenção da democracia. São apresentadas as origens do voto no Brasil, indo até a proposta e execução do ambicioso projeto de eleições gerais com base em urnas eletrônicas. Descreve como se deu o desenvolvimento do equipamento. Os requisitos de segurança da informação são apresentados no contexto da votação eletrônica tendo como parâmetro a norma ISO 27.002. Observa que há melhorias que devem ser continuamente realizadas a fim de garantir a efetiva realização de um processo eleitoral seguro e confiável.

Sistema seguro de votação eletrônica multi-células

Em uso desde a Grécia antiga e atualmente massificado na maioria dos países do mundo, o sistema de votação tradicional baseado em cédulas de papel possui diversos problemas associados à segurança, tais como dificuldades para evitar coerção do eleitor, venda do voto e substituição fraudulenta do eleitor. Além de problemas de usabilidade que acarretam erros de preenchimento da cédula e um processo de apuração lento, que pode durar dias. Ao lado disso, o sistema tradicional não fornece a contraprova do voto, que permite ao eleitor conferir se o seu voto foi corretamente contabilizado na apuração. Inicialmente acreditou-se que a informatização do sistema de votação resolveria todos os problemas do sistema tradicional. Porém, com a sua implantação em alguns países o sistema de votação eletrônica não mostrou-se capaz de fornecer garantias irrefutáveis que não tivesse sido alvo de alterações fraudulentas durante o seu desenvolvimento ou operação. A má reputação do sistema eletrônico está principalmente associada à falta de transparência dos processos que, em sua maioria, não proporcionam a materialização do voto, conferido pelo eleitor para fins de contagem manual, e nem geram evidências (contraprova) da correta contabilização do voto do eleitor. O objetivo deste trabalho é propor uma arquitetura de votação eletrônica que integra, de forma segura, o anonimato e autenticidade do votante, a confidencialidade e integridade do voto/sistema. O sistema aumenta a usabilidade do esquema de votação baseado em "Três Cédulas" de papel, implementando-o computacionalmente. O esquema oferece maior credibilidade ao sistema de votação através da materialização e contraprova do voto, resistência à coerção e ao comércio do voto. Utilizando esquemas de criptografia assimétrica e segurança computacional clássica, associado a um sistema de auditoria eficiente, a proposta garante segurança e transparência nos processos envolvidos. A arquitetura de construção modular distribui a responsabilidade entre suas entidades, agregando-lhe robustez e viabilizando eleições em grande escala. O protótipo do sistema desenvolvido usando serviços web e Election Markup Language mostra a viabilidade da proposta.

Métodos cuantitativos versus métodos cualitativos en la economía de los Negocios. ¿Es una metodología reconciliable?

Changes in the organizational environment over the last three decades have increasingly led to traditional theories being called into question, by stimulating the search for new models suited to the new realities of business economics, generating a crisis or scientific revolution that may result in the appearance of a new paradigm. The positivism-phenomenology duality provokes an “epistemological crisis” in research in management sciences. But the existence of both approaches does not imply the election of one scientific orientation in frontal opposition to the other. From these two conceptions of research procedure, the methods applied can be classed into groups, quantitative and qualitative. The quantitative methodologies places great confidence in the ability of data and measurement to represent opinions or concepts, while qualitative methodologies focus on words and relations to describe a reality or situation. While the diversity of methods contribute to its development and indicates the maturity of an area, the methods must be suitably implemented to obtain significant, valid results. The methodology to be used is not going to depend solely on the type of study or the reality under examination, but also on the stage the research process has reached.

Parámetros de contaminación y normativa en colectores urbanos

[ES] La contaminación por aguas residuales urbanas es uno de los problemas de mayor importancia para mantener un nivel de calidad aceptable del agua, debido al número elevado de fuentes, a la participación de la contaminación difusa y a la elevada concentración de materia orgánica. La normativa legal plantea unos límites eflDidos, pero no se han realizado campañas de seguimiento de forma suficiente para su comprobación, particularmente en estiaje. El problema se complica por la diversidad apreciable que se observa y la necesidad de dar significación estadística a las conclusiones. En este trabajo, junto a un análisis del seguimiento de una docena de parámetros en diversos colectores de aguas residuales de una zona urbana, se pretende eparar/advertir la dificultad que presenta cada uno de eUos para el cumplimiento legal en relación con las caraterísticas de las fuentes de procedencia y la situación estacional durante el análisis. Además, se pretende buscar de una forma incial las posibles relaciones que se presentan entre las variaciones simultáneas de dichos parámetros. Algunos de eUos muestran una relación clara por lo que podría establecerse alguna dependencia funcional, mientras que en otros casos el problema resulta excesivamente complejo por la necesidad de disponer de más información para Uegar a establecer alguna relación.

Influence of Training Set Selection in Artificial Neural Network-Based Propagation Path Loss Predictions

This paper analyzes the use of artificial neural networks (ANNs) for predicting the received power/path loss in both outdoor and indoor links. The approach followed has been a combined use of ANNs and ray-tracing, the latter allowing the identification and parameterization of the so-called dominant path. A complete description of the process for creating and training an ANN-based model is presented with special emphasis on the training process. More specifically, we will be discussing various techniques to arrive at valid predictions focusing on an optimum selection of the training set. A quantitative analysis based on results from two narrowband measurement campaigns, one outdoors and the other indoors, is also presented.

The cast net fishery, Kainji Lake, Nigeria 1970-1997

This study was carried out to establish trends in the cast net fishery of Kainji Lake, Nigeria. The cast net fishery was second in importance to the gillnet fishery in the early years after impoundment of the lake and still continues to be an important component of the fishery. Some of the economically important species such as Citharinus spp, Tilapia spp, Labeo spp, Alestes spp and Synodontis spp are exploited by cast nets. The study has not revealed any drastic perturbation in the species diversity, catch composition, and any real ecosystem overfishing. On the other hand, both the catfish, Auchenoglanis spp and the predator Hydrocynus spp appear to have increased in the catch in recent years. Never-the-less there is a decline in the mean weight of the major exploited fish species due to the capture of under sized fishes without allowing them to grow to 'legally' marketable sizes. The use of small meshed cast net and also fishing in the shallow waters of the lake can give rise to this situation. Thus, there are signs of growth overfishing in the fish stocks. It must also be acknowledged that the situation is complicated by the fact that in a multi-gear fishery as on Kainji Lake, the cast net fishery could not be managed in isolation without due regard to the other competing gears. The catch per unit of effort (CPUE) has declined in the cast net fishery possibly due to the increase in effort by the major fishing gears over the years. The ongoing extension campaigns by the KLFPP appears to be having the desired effect, as there was reduction in the number of the major fishing gears on the Lake in 1997. It can be anticipated that if this trend continues, the CPUE will recover in the long run. Yields observed from the mesh selectivity study revealed that for major species in the cast net fishery, both by number and weight, were maximal at 2.5 inch mesh, which contrasts with the fact that current minimum allowable mesh in the Fisheries Edict for the Lake is 2.0 inch. The adoption of 2.5 inch as the minimum allowable mesh in the cast net fishery is recommended to be included in future revision of existing regulations. It is also recommended that for this control to have a desired effect, the casting of the net from the shore should be prohibited so as to reduce the incidence of juvenile mortality in the nursery areas. (PDF contains 28 pages)

Legal dimensions of the Chinese experience in Los Angeles, 1860-1880

On October 24, 1871, a massacre of eighteen Chinese in Los Angeles brought the small southern California settlement into the national spotlight. Within a few days, news of this “night of horrors” was reported in newspapers across the country. This massacre has been cited in Asian American narratives as the first documented outbreak of ethnic violence against a Chinese community in the United States. This is ironic because Los Angeles’ small population has generally placed it on the periphery in historical studies of the California anti-Chinese movement. Because the massacre predated Los Angeles’ organized Chinese exclusion movements of the late 1870s, it has often been erroneously dismissed as an aberration in the history of the city.

The violence of 1871 was an outburst highlighting existing community tensions that would become part of public debate by decade’s close. The purpose of this study is to insert the massacre into a broader context of anti-Chinese sentiments, legal discrimination, and dehumanization in nineteenth century Los Angeles. While a second incident of widespread anti-Chinese violence never occurred, brutal attacks directed at Chinese small businessmen and others highlighted continued community conflict. Similarly, economic rivalries and concerns over Chinese prostitution that underlay the 1871 massacre were manifest in later campaigns of economic discrimination and vice suppression that sought to minimize Chinese influence within municipal limits. An analysis of the massacre in terms of anti-Chinese legal, social and economic strategies in nineteenth-century Los Angeles will elucidate these important continuities.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.