Renal- and calcium-dependent vascular effects of Polybia paulista wasp venom

In the present study, the effects of Polybia paulista venom (PPV) on renal and vascular tissues were investigated. Isolated kidneys perfused with PPV (1 and 3 mu g/mL) had increased perfusion pressure, renal vascular resistance, urinary flow, and glomerular filtration rate; and reduced sodium tubular transport. Histological evaluation demonstrated deposits of proteins in Bowman's space and tubular lumen, and focal areas of necrosis. The venom promoted a cytotoxic effect on Madin-Darby canine kidney (MDCK) cells. A significant increase in lactic dehydrogenase levels was observed in response to venom exposure. In isolated mesenteric vascular beds, pressure and vascular resistance augmented in a dose-dependent manner. PPV increased the contractility of aortic rings maintained under basal tension. This contractile response was inhibited when preparations were maintained in Ca2+-free medium. Likewise, verapamil, a voltage-gated calcium channel blocker, also inhibited the contractile response. In this study, phentolamine, a blocker of a-adrenergic receptor blocker, significantly reduced the contractile effect of PPV in the aortic ring. In conclusion, PPV produced nephrotoxicity, which suggests a direct effect on necrotic cellular death in renal tubule cells. The vascular contractile effect of PPV appears to involve calcium influx through voltage-gated calcium channels via adrenergic regulation.

Bioeletricidade, mercado de carbono e o setor sucroalcooleiro paulista.

2008

Bioeletricidade, mercado de carbono e o setor sucroalcooleiro paulista.

2008

PASEO DE LA REFORMA Y AVENIDA PAULISTA: PRÁCTICAS ESPACIALES DEFEÑAS Y PAULISTANAS

Por medio de un estudio analítico-comparativo, buscamos retratar las prácticas espaciales de los transeúntes de las avenidas más simbólicas de los dos principales centros financieros de América Latina: San Pablo y Ciudad de México. Las avenidas analizadas – la Avenida Paulista (estudiada en su extensión total, de 2,7 km) y el Paseo de la Reforma (analizado en los 3 km que comprenden la Puerta de los Leones, en la entrada del Bosque de Chapultepec y el cruce de la Avenida Bucarelli) – y sus entornos inmediatos, fueron elegidos, y estudiados empíricamente, por el hecho de trascender sus funciones de eje financiero y presentarse como espacios de realización de actividades de ocio. Tal hecho se explica, en parte, por la existencia de equipamientos comerciales y culturales en estas áreas, pero más que eso, se ha creado una cultura de prácticas que van más allá del usufructo de estos equipamientos, ya sea por la centralidad y facilidad de acceso a estas avenidas, con un ambiente muy agradable si consideramos la escasa cantidad de espacios públicos de calidad en estas ciudades, lo que permite la simple contemplación de la belleza de estos espacios, o por las interacciones que ahí se suelen desarrollar entre distintos grupos sociales (algunos más especificamente analizados) que las utilizan como punto de encuentro y sociabilidad.

A TERRITORIALIZAÇÃO DA PECUÁRIA DE CORTE NO OESTE PAULISTA

Este trabalho apresenta a ação hegemônica, desde a década de 1950, que a pecuária bovina de corte exerce nas áreas rurais do oeste paulista (SP). Enquanto uma totalidade parcial do espaço geográfico em que atua o setor, a região se transformou em um referencial nacional na tomada de preços dos bovinos em peso de abate. No atual processo de deslocamento da boiada nacional do Centro-Sul para o Norte do país, neste trabalho se retrata a participação dos agropecuaristas regionais nesse desenrolar. Mesmo com a diminuição do percentual da boiada nacional presente nas áreas agrícolas da região, dos escritórios localizados nos edifícios agropecuários de Araçatuba, Presidente Prudente e Ribeirão Preto, a elite ruralista dá o encaminhamento de suas possessões na longínqua frente de expansão da atividade em terras setentrionais do Brasil. 

BIOGEOGRAFIA DO EUCALIPTO NO VALE DO PARAÍBA PAULISTA

Este trabalho trata dos aspectos geográficos e históricos dos eucaliptos, na Austrália e no Brasil, com atenção especial para a situação no Vale do Paraíba, estado de São Paulo. O trabalho possui três capítulos, nos quais são tratados temas pertinentes à questão dos eucaliptos no Brasil. Existem diferentes tipos de plantios de eucaliptos, em áreas urbanas e rurais, com finalidades comerciais e não-comerciais. Focou-se principalmente os extensos plantios em áreas rurais, com finalidade comercial. Os resultados das medições e informações coletadas demonstram que no Vale do Paraíba paulista ocorrem impactos ambientais positivos e negativos a partir do cultivo de eucaliptos, exigindo medidas para minimizar os impactos negativos e recuperar as áreas rurais da região. 

ABORDAGEM DO TEMA “MIGRAÇÃO” NAS APOSTILAS DA REDE PÚBLICA ESTADUAL PAULISTA

Dentre os tantos assuntos estudados na disciplina de Geografia da rede pública estadual paulista, os fluxos migratórios se caracterizam por serem importantes, pois estão muito presentes no cotidiano do aluno: ao se deslocar de casa até a escola; da migração de seus pais de um estado até outro ou ainda de amigos que foram para outro país em busca de emprego, por exemplo. Por isso, esse assunto merece destaque em sala de aula e assim, se faz necessário, juntamente com o professor, um bom material de apoio: jornais, documentários, filmes, revistas, livros didáticos, apostilas e outros. Portanto, objetivamos analisar de que forma as apostilas de Geografia organizadas pela Secretaria de Educação do Estado de São Paulo apresentam os conteúdos relacionados aos processos migratórios. Para tanto, os materiais que apresentam tal assunto serão selecionadas e itens como: ilustrações, representações cartográficas, textos, exercícios, dentre outros, serão analisados para que posteriormente possamos contribuir para melhora do material. Como exemplo dessa análise, podemos citar o mapa “As Migrações, final do século XX” página 23 do caderno do aluno, volume 1, 3ª série do Ensino Médio, que ao apresentar os principais fluxos migratórios internacionais aponta apenas um questionamento aos alunos: “O que o mapa representa? Justifique”. Tal mapa com informações sobre efetivo de imigrantes, fluxos e porcentagem de imigrantes na população, poderia ser mais explorado em questões e discussões para melhor compreensão do aluno.

ESTRUTURAÇÃO E REESTRUTURAÇÃO DOS SISTEMAS DE MOVIMENTO, DE LOGÍSTICA E DE NORMAS E TRIBUTAÇÃO E SEUS IMPACTOS NO TERRITÓRIO PAULISTA/BRASIL

Relatar algumas das transformações produtivas e de consumo, ocorridas no estado de São Paulo, através das reestruturações nos sistemas de movimento, de logística e de normas e tributação, como também os impactos nos espaços urbanos, através das novas dinâmicas econômicas, impostas pelas demandas corporativas, é o objetivo desse artigo. A desconcentração produtiva e de consumo rumo ao interior só foi possível pela combinação ordenada e hierarquizada de alguns elementos básicos, como as inovações tecnológicas (meios e vias de transportes) e organizacionais (logística, normas e tributação) que otimizaram a fluidez territorial no estado de São Paulo. Destaca-se, portanto: 1) o aprimoramento da logística enquanto estratégia, planejamento e gestão de transportes, armazenamento e comunicações (inclusive na concessão de serviços públicos à iniciativa privada); 2) o aprimoramento tecnológico e a expansão dos sistemas de movimento (infraestruturas, meios de transportes) e; 3) os sistemas de normas e tributação que através das regulações e desregulamentações interferem no sistema circulatório de um determinado espaço. Assim, ambos os sistemas tem como objetivo desembaraçar os fluxos econômicos (bens, serviços, informações, capitais e pessoas) e propiciar uma maior fluidez territorial. Os impactos no território paulista, principalmente através da sua dinâmica econômica, revertem-se positivamente e negativamente, mudando a forma como se pensa e se realiza o ordenamento do território.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

Rhetoric and public speech in English republicanism, 1642-1681

The study analyses the ambivalent relationship republicanism, as a form of self-government free from domination, had with the ideal of participatory oratory and non-dominated speech on the one hand, and with the danger of unhindered demagogy and its possibly fatal consequences to that form of government on the other. Although previous scholarship has delved deeply into republicanism as well as into rhetoric and public speech, the interplay between those aspects has only gathered scattered interest, and there has been no systematic study considering the variety of republican approaches to rhetoric and public speech in 17th-century England. The rare attempts to do so have been studies in English literature, and they have not analysed the political philosophy of republicanism, as the focus has been on republicanism as a literary culture. This study connects the fields of political theory, political history as well as literature in order to make a multidisciplinary contribution to intellectual history. The study shows that, within the tradition of classical republicanism, individual authors could make different choices when addressing the problematic topics of public speech and rhetoric, and the variety of their conclusions often set the authors against each other, resulting in the development of their theories through internal debates within the republican tradition. The authors under study were chosen to reflect this variety and the connections between them: the similarities between James Harrington and John Streater, and between John Milton and John Hall of Durham are shown, as well the controversies between Harrington and Milton, and Streater and Hall, respectively. In addition, by analysing the writings of Marchamont Nedham the study will show that the choices were not limited to more, or less, democratic brands of republicanism. Most significantly, the study provides a thorough analysis of the political philosophies behind the various brands of republicanism, in addition to describing them. By means of this analysis, the study shows that previous attempts to assess the role of free speech and public debate, through the lenses of modern, rights-based liberal political theory have resulted in an inappropriate framework for understanding early modern English republicanism. By approaching the topics through concepts used by the republicans legitimate authority, leadership by oratory, and republican freedom and through the frames of reference available and familiar to them roles of education and institutions the study presents a thorough and systematic analysis of the role and function of rhetoric and public speech in English republicanism. The findings of this analysis have significant consequences to our current understanding of the history and development of republican political theory, and, more generally, of the connections between democratic theory and free speech.

Primeiro emprego : uma análise comparativa dos programas federal e estaduais

Apresenta uma análise comparativa dos programas de estímulo à criação de postos de trabalhos para os jovens. No âmbito federal, foi analisado o Programa Nacional de Estímulo ao Primeiro Emprego – PNPE, implantado em 2003. Confrontando com o federal, foram analisados os programas estaduais do Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo e Bahia. A partir da análise, pôde-se constatar que os programas de estímulo ao primeiro emprego para jovens apresentam aspectos restritivos em relação ao universo de jovens atendido. A maior parte deles visa beneficiar apenas o jovem menos favorecido, o que não é recomendado pela literatura especializada, uma vez que o problema do desemprego juvenil atinge aos jovens sem discriminação de classe social. Outro aspecto verificado é que a maior parte dos programas prefere visar à inserção do jovem no mercado de trabalho por meio de subsídios às empresas contratantes, não se preocupando com políticas efetivas de qualificação para o jovem. Foi constatado também que o programa do Estado da Bahia é o mais abrangente no que diz respeito ao público-alvo: não há critérios severos para a qualificação dos jovens interessados, ao contrário do programa paulista, onde houve uma excessiva focalização do público-alvo. Ao final do trabalho, foram formuladas algumas considerações aos gestores e formuladores de programas de estímulo ao primeiro emprego, conforme sugeridas pela literatura especializada.

Jornal das Trincheiras : órgão da Revolução Constitucionalista. N.13

Jornal publicado durante a Revolução Constitucionalista de 1932. A coleção completa compõe-se de treze números, produzidos pela Liga de Defesa Paulista (LDP), no período de 14 de agosto a 25 de setembro de 1932.

Jornal das Trincheiras : órgão da Revolução Constitucionalista. N.1

Jornal publicado durante a Revolução Constitucionalista de 1932. A coleção completa compõe-se de treze números, produzidos pela Liga de Defesa Paulista (LDP), no período de 14 de agosto a 25 de setembro de 1932.

Jornal das Trincheiras : órgão da Revolução Constitucionalista. N.2

Jornal publicado durante a Revolução Constitucionalista de 1932. A coleção completa compõe-se de treze números, produzidos pela Liga de Defesa Paulista (LDP), no período de 14 de agosto a 25 de setembro de 1932.

Jornal das Trincheiras : órgão da Revolução Constitucionalista. N.3

Jornal publicado durante a Revolução Constitucionalista de 1932. A coleção completa compõe-se de treze números, produzidos pela Liga de defesa Paulista (LDP), no período de 14 de agosto a 25 de setembro de 1932.