Graduación de la dificultad en juegos de intercambio de posiciones: un ejemplo con el Salto de la rana (2ª parte)

En el anterior artículo prometimos una segunda parte dedicada al tratamiento del juego “Salto de la Rana” en la clase. Nos toca, pues, hablar de estrategias, notaciones, desarrollos, soluciones y ampliaciones o variantes del mismo. Empezaremos por indicar algunas referencias bibliográficas más, todas ellas interesantes, y de las que hemos sacado la mayor parte de la información que hemos reunido en este artículo. Recomendamos que sean leídos, al menos aquellos más asequibles y de manera particular los de Fayos y Gracia, Corbalán, Shell Center, Cobo y Ferrero.

Super-villains of the "real world": the political use of the characterization of villains in Chistopher Nolan's "Dark Knight Trilogy"

It is almost a tradition that celluloid (or digital) villains are represented with some characteristics that remind us the real political enemies of the producer country of the film, or even enemies within the country according to the particular ideology that sustains the film. The case of Christopher Nolan The Dark Knight trilogy, analyzed here, is representative of this trend for two reasons. First, because it gets marked by political radicalization conducted by the US government after the attack of September 11, 2001. Secondly, because it offers a profuse gallery of villains who are outside the circle of friends as the new doctrine “either with us or against us” opened by George Bush for the XXI century. This gallery includes from the very terrorists who justify the War on Terror (Ra's al Ghul, the Joker), to the “radical left” (Bane, Talia al Ghul) including liberal politicians (Harvey Dent), and corrupt that take advantage of the softness of the law to commit crimes with impunity (Dr. Crane, the Scarecrow).

Typical reggaeton in Morocco: forms of female political affirmation throught dance

Through an ethnographic account, this text analyses how social dance may become a discourse involving the cultural affirmation of a subordinate group. It describes how a group of girls faced with a complex of outlooks that construed them as Moroccan, Muslim or unattractive —or as objects of education and intervention— responded by affirming their own culture with an unanticipated corporal discourse. The way in which looking construes bodies is explored through metaphors: a hand that touches, a chisel that sculpts, a whip that lashes and a cobweb that controls and traps bodies. Owing to this political dimension of dance, workshops can also be an oppressive and silencing tool; to prevent this, the article concludes with a series of recommendations to implement dance in social intervention processes.

Social Work and theatre: considering intersections

Theatre is a cultural and artistic form that involves a process of communication between creators and is received in a space and time located in the public sphere, which has meant that, over the centuries, it has acted as a space for expression, exchange and debate regarding all manner of ideas, causes and struggles. Implicit within this process are processes of expression, creation and reception, by way of which people demonstrate, analyse and question ways of seeing and understanding life, and ways of being and existing in the world. This gives rise to educational, cultural, social and political potential, which has been endorsed in numerous studies and investigations. In this work, in which theoretical orientation is established through a review of the relevant literature, we consider different intersections that occur between theatre and social work in order to also show that dramatic and theatrical expression offers substantive methodologies for achieving some objectives of social work, particularly in areas such as critical literacy, reflexivity and recognition, awareness raising, social participation, personal and/or community development, ownership of cultural capital and access to personal and social wellbeing.

The first chronicle of Miguel Hernandez: The New Journalism (1936-1939)

This paper presents and analyzes the first literary-journalistic chronicle writen and published by Miguel Hernández: “Defensa de Madrid. Madrid y las ciudades de Retaguardia”, during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This chronicle is the first one of a series establishing a new and personal type of journalism: literary chronicles –poetical and political-. Miguel Hernandez published his masterpieces in different newspapers as a war reporter, with his own name and with a pen-name, playing roles of director and political commissar in different newspapers in the war-trenches. Thematically, this first article shows his personal and political engagement, as well as his desire and strategy to protect the capital city of Spain: Madrid. Methodologically, the analysis is an approached to linguistics in social sciences, which presents some of the personal characteristics and style of the chronist Miguel Hernández. Thus, it becomes patent that the so-called New Journalism (narrative and literary), which flourished in the 70s, had already been deeply and efficiently practiced by Miguel Hernández 40 years before. That is the reason why Miguel Hernández deserves to be added to the well-known collective of chronicle writers that have already been rescued to this moment. His literary style and quality are installing him in a outstanding position as well as pioneer of the genre nowadays known as New Journalism that in his case, it is politically engaged

Press, politic, and social order in Buenos Aires during the 1850s

The paper examines some reflections and discussions about the role and nature of the press that took place in Buenos Aires during the 1850s, referring to the difficulties involved in congenial freedom and order. This was caused by the fact that the press was considered a pillar of republican and civilized societies, but also an agent capable of corroding the social and political order.

La justificación del Derecho de Resistencia en el Estado Constitucional Democrático de Derecho: algunas reflexiones iusfilosóficas

This paper aims to demonstrate how in the constitutional rule of law the right of resistance plays a key role in its development, its adaptation to the changing reality of society and the satisfaction of the interests of all the people involved in this common project. Firstly, we will analyze how individuals or social groups must act when they suffer injustices due to state acts or laws that violate their most basic rights. In some cases, we believe that they have the right to exercise any form of weak resistance that they deem appropriate to present at the public scene a cause that must be socially and politically recognized. Secondly, we will see what happens when the rule of law itself is in danger. In that case, we believe that society will have not only the right but the duty to exercise the resistance in its most extreme form to defend the existing constitutional order of any illegitimate authority that seeks to impose itself on it and the sovereignty of the people.

La ruptura de una economía moral y las deslegitimación de las deudas hipotecarias

In Spain, during the recent housing bubble, purchasing a home seemed the most advantageous strategy to access housing, and there was a wide social consensus about the unavoidability of mortgage indebtedness. However, such consensus has been challenged by the financial and real-estate crisis. The victims of home repossessions have been affected by the transgression of several principles, such as the fair compensation for effort and sacrifice, the prioritisation of basic needs over financial commitments, the possibility of a second chance for over-indebted people, or the State's responsibility to guarantee its citizens' livelihood. Such principles may be understood as part of a moral economy, and their transgression has resulted in the emergence of a social movement, the Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH), that is questioning the legitimacy of mortgage debts. The article reflects on the extent to which the perception of over-indebtedness and evictions as unfair situations can have an effect on the reproduction of the political-economic system, insofar the latter is perceived as able or unable to repair injustice.

The proposal of democratic citizenship in Hannah Arendt

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze Hannah Arendt’s citizenship proposal. The central thesis is that this proposal is possible in contemporary democracies, and it is adequate for developing and strengthening of political action. The work is divided in five sections. In the first, we develop a brief introduction on the studied issue. In the second and third section, we analyze, respec-tively, political and moral conditions that enable democratic citizenship, and the conditions that hinder the exercise of the same, according to Arendt. Then, we reflect critically on Arendt’s citizenship proposal. Finally, we conclude and we propose a set of civic challenges relate to current democracies in light of the above proposal.

A methodological framework for studying policy coherence for development

The purpose of this article is to develop a methodological framework for analyzing Policy Coherence for Development (PCD). With this goal, we analyze different views of PCD in order to establish a comprehensive approach of Coherence adapted to globalization process. In this context, the article proposes a methodological framework based on four dimensions of analysis in CPD. In each dimen-sion, we set the areas and actors to investigate and we put forward research questions that could be use as a guide for a comprehensive approach to study PCD.

Conditional cash transfer programs and the representations of poverty in Bolivia and Peru

Bolivia and Peru adopted the same instruments of social policy —conditional cash transfer programs— to solve the same public problems under different political regimes. By means of the qualitative methodology of discourse analysis, this paper studies the representations of poverty and State made by key actors of those social programs. Underlying more differences than similarities, one demonstrates that the same social policy is linked to opposite social representations of poverty and the State role in every country. The main explanation for this is, far from being imposed by international organizations, those programs are adopted and adapted by each political regime.

Social economy and economic crisis in the basque country abstract

This article examines the socio-economic evolution of the social economy sector in the Basque Country during the 2008-2014 period of economic crisis. Data have been obtained within a framework of collaboration between university, Basque Government and private sector of the social economy. The results suggest that such entities have evolved better, both in terms of number of enterprises and employment, than the general economy of the Basque Country, while the context of public policies aimed at social economy has worsened over the years. However, in economic terms (measured through the Gross Value Added generated), they have not been able to cope with the crisis in equal conditions to the general economy. The main contribution of this research lies in that, unlike similar studies, it discusses the evolution of the whole sector of the social economy, taking as reference a broad period of the current economic crisis.

The University Programmes for Senior Citizens and their contribution of lifelong learning

The study addresses the essential features of University Programmes for senior citizens (PUM). It committed to the lifelong education through the integration of the elderly in the University. Part of the base that is learned during the entire life cycle, there is no age, no specific space for education. Learning is constructed from knowledge, abilities, skills and aptitudes that are enriched continuously. It is necessary to ensure the elderly to age in a healthy way. It calls for active ageing, effective tool against isolation and social exclusion. The aim is to discover aspects of the UNED Senior training programme that contribute to lifelong learning and satisfaction produced. The PUM are ways for the promotion of aging along with other activities aimed to enhance a creative leisure, access to culture, facilitate training on topics of interest and create a means of participation in all spheres of society. In this research has resorted to a mixed methodology. Their wealth combines the methods of quantitative and qualitative allowing us to obtain information and contrast from different perspectives. The purpose is to verify the results of the investigation. The sample consists of 639 students, 57 teachers and 15 coordinators. The results indicate that the PUM of the UNED Senior is highly satisfactory for those involved, by the adequacy between interests and expectations. Fruit of this research are the conclusions and suggestions for improvement.

El pensamiento político de José Ortega y Gasset

Las siguientes páginas versan sobre el pensamiento político de José Ortega y Gasset, mostrando –entre otras cosas– su evolución desde lo que sería el neokantismo de mocedad de Ortega hasta su madurez. Para cumplir con nuestro objetivo se ha recurrido a los escritos de Ortega, así como a autores especializados en su pensamiento. La historia del pensamiento político contemporáneo tiene una deuda contraída con Ortega que desde sus primeros escritos manifestó un claro interés por la política concebida ésta como pedagogía social y cuyo fin debía ser, en primer lugar, solventar los problemas de la vida pública nacional. El pensamiento político de Ortega se define asimismo por la defensa de los valores liberales (liberalismo) compatibles con los principios socialistas (socialismo), que en una primera época de juventud idealista neokantiana adquieren un significado eminentemente cultural aunque también moral, que no se perderá completamente en su madurez o época de plenitud vital, aunque bien es verdad que aquellos dos conceptos (liberalismo y socialismo), así como también su idea de democracia, irán respondiendo a la evolución de su pensamiento.

Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez: humanismo y compromiso político de un republicano en el exilio

Es de lo más oportuno el presente homenaje a Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez en el marco de la XX Feria Internacional del Libro de Guadalajara 2006, pues además de ser ciudadano excepcional de Andalucía, invitada de honora a esta feria, Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez es una figura emblemática del exilio republicano y, precisamente, este año conmemoramos 75 años del inicio de la República Española establecida democráticamente en 1931, así como 70 años del comienzo de la heroica resistencia de los republicanos durante la Guerra Civil que término con la trágica imposición de la dictadura franquista y con el exilio de muchos españoles, entre ellos, de manera muy especial, de nuestro homenajeado.