Hermenêutica constitucional: neoconstitucionalismo e mitologia jurídica no automatismo do juiz

Elabora-se estudo de hermenêutica constitucional que envolve neoconstitucionalismo e estruturas míticas da realidade jurídica em face do automatismo judicial. Utiliza-se de método dialético em estudo teórico-descritivo de base documental. Busca analisar se há relação entre mitos jurídicos e automatismo do juiz na interpretação constitucional, bem como procura identificar se a mitificação do direito e o automatismo judicial influenciam o exercício da jurisdição pelo magistrado. Constata-se que há diferença entre interpretação constitucional e interpretação da Constituição, bem como que inexiste especificidade da interpretação constitucional em relação à interpretação jurídica. Comprova-se que os marcos histórico, filosófico e teórico do neoconstitucionalismo perdem seu sentido quando submetidos a apreciação crítica. Demonstra-se que a realidade jurídica decorre de processo mítico, no sentido de uma representação da realidade através da verdade compartilhada na crença e disseminada nos mitos, tal qual ocorre nos mitos da força normativa da constituição e do sentimento constitucional. Identifica-se a relação implicação recíproca entre mitos jurídicos e automatismo do juiz, além de verificar que o maagistrado atua no automático não apenas quando se conforma em ser o juiz boca da lei, mas também quando torna-se juiz boca do juízo, quer do juízo pessoal subjetivo, quer do juízo Institucional do Judiciário. Verifica-se que, uma das nuanças dos mitos está na representação de uma construção social compartilhada que descreve a realidade cultural circundante através das normas jurídicas e, nesse sentido, os mitos jurídicos são histórias com fundamento em verdades que merecem confiança, mas que, por outro lado, há mitos que atuam contra a normatividade positivada, como o mito do neoconstitucionalismo. Conclui-se que é imprescindível ao magistrado perceber que trabalha com mitos, compreender o processo de atuação e difusão dos mitos, e atuar de forma comprometida com sua atividade em benefício da sociedade, evitando incidir em automatismos de pensamento e ação, haja vista que o constitucionalismo é síntese de mudança (para adequar-se ao tempo vivencial) e permanência (para salvaguardar seu núcleo primordial) e precisa de um magistrado em estado de vigília para operar adequadamente a perspectiva de um direto de Estado democrático.

A interpretação constitucional dos princípios da afetividade e solidariedade familiar pelos tribunais superiores brasileiros

The Brazilian juridical ordain has suffered several transformations on Family Law as of the 1988 Federal Constitution, which incorporated the changes in socio-cultural values and behaviors that appeared in the post-modern Brazilian society, with the repersonalization of the family, beginning with the principles of human dignity, affectivity and familiar solidarity; occurring an enlargement of the concept of family, increasing the relevance of socioaffectivity and eudaimonia. The general purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the constitutional interpretations of paradigmatic cases of the Brazilian Superior Courts checking the conditions and behaviors required to achieve the principles of affectivity and familiar solidarity. To do so, uses an exploratory and descriptive research trough books, scientific papers, jurisprudence, monographs and consult to specialized magazines to identify the reasons and specific purposes of the principles of affectivity and family solidarity within the constitutional norms, systematizing the primary meaning of these principles, then to observe the trial of patriotic courts, the criteria and standards of behavior used in their application. The analysis of recent decisions of the Supreme Federal Court and the Superior Court of Justice on the topic of the familiar relations, utilizing the new interpretative approach to the law that considers man as an ontological being of language, demonstrate that the affectivity and familiar solidarity are constitutional principles concretized in decisions, that don’t affect the principle of protection of the juridical security, that is, don’t cause uncertainty despite the incipient specification of criteria to its use

O objetivo constitucional de desenvolvimento e o instrumento jurídico-normativo do conteúdo local na indústria petrolífera

On the petroleum industry, the State developed the Local Content police as a regulatory action to guarantee the preference of the national supply industry. Observing that, this paper will analyze the Local Content police aware of the constitutional goal of development as wright in the Constituição Federal de 1988. For it, will be used the hypothetical-deductive method for identifying the Local Content police as State strategy of development turn it in the object of critics in a dialectic way of thinking to in the final, present a conclusion about the police. As result was saw that the existent structure of the police at Brazil is inefficient, claiming for a rebuilt. For conclusion, is said that because of the inadequate construction of the Local Content police created inside of the Agência Nacional do Petróleo – ANP, the efficiency of the full potential of the police is been stopped, something that can be only corrected although a re-make of the police

A cidadania no contexto do estado constitucional democrático de direito brasileiro

The citizenship is a fundamental category to the democratic progress and the development and concretization of human rights, in addition to being one of the essential foundations of democratic contextualized in the rule of law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. That’s exactly why the discussion about its concept and content is a paramount requirement to the understanding and interpretation-application-concretization of the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as its democracy, since there is no democracy without citizenship. That is why the general objective of the research is to determine the characteristics of the citizenship, relating it to the Law, as well as to discuss (critically) its inclusion in the list of fundamental rights and delimitate the scope of protection and the limits of this right, in the context of Brazilian law post-1988 Constitution. The specific objectives are: a) to analyze the concept of citizenship, its extent and scope, contextualizing it historically; b) to examine the evolution of the legal and regulatory treatment of the citizenship in Brazilian constitutions, focusing on the 1988 Constitution; c) assess whether citizenship can be considered a fundamental right; d) to investigate which implications, theoretical and practical, of assignment fundamentality character to the right to citizenship. This research identifies and deconstructs current conceptual confusions, such as the lack of distinction between citizenship and nationality; citizenship and electoral capacity; citizenship and person. It also helps to identify and oppose the generalizations, as well as the excessively abstract associations which tend to purely metaphysical understandings, fluid and empty of any content. The main virtue, however, is the proposed of understanding of the citizenship as a fundamental right and the examination of the relationship between citizenship and human dignity. In this context, citizenship appears as a corollary of human dignity and it goes beyond. This (human dignity) requires equality, non-arbitraries, non-excessive, disproportionate or unreasonable impositions affecting their freedom rights, and, yet, doesn’t affect a minimum core of possibilities of have to a decent life, in conditions of freedom and self-conformation involved in the necessary consideration of the individual as a subject. All of this requires a decision-making process, molded by the citizenship, which reaches the entire development process of possible state interventions, to ensure the person as a subject, the right holder and the objective point of reference of the juridical relations. Thus, the citizenship represents a substantial and beneficial addition to the human dignity, since the emancipated citizen is a person, formally and materially, qualified, to be able to build their own and collectively organized history, to participate effectively in the making processes decision juridical and social

A constituição desmilitarizada: democratização e reforma do sistema constitucional de segurança pública

The normative construction of the public security system in the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988 preserved paradoxical normative space, the military police linked to the Army with a restrictive legal statute of the police offices citizenship through a hierarchical and disciplinary model that is anachronistic. This research originates from the following problem: How is it possible to tailor the constitutional system of public safety, specifically the Military Police, according to the democratic paradigms constructed by the Constituent from 1988 and carry the right to public safety under these molds? The militarists limitations of the Constitution allowed the growing militarization of police departments, organizational culture and authoritarian institutional practices. Underlying this, the problems related to difficulties in realization of Right to Public Safety, the strikes of the military police, the incomplete policy cycle started demanding from the constitutional-legal system appropriate responses. Utilizing the dialogical method and an interdisciplinary approach to the subject, and theoretically grounded in overcoming of the constitutional normativist juspositivism.It was found that the constructed infraconstitutional legislation was insufficient to supply the systemic shortcomings of constitutional law, when looking to create a single system of public security without giving due scope to the federal principle and expand the autonomy the Federated States, and even grant democratic legal status to the military police. Formal legal limits imposed by the Constitution constructed a legal anachronism, the military police. Thus, a democratic reading of military police institutions becomes inconceivable its existence in the constitutional regulatory environment. Thus, reform the Constitution in order to demilitarize the police and conduct a normative redesign of the public security system is fundamental to Brazilian constitutional democracy

Criminalização do porte de drogas para consumo pessoal: uma perspectiva jurídico-constitucional

This dissertation has the main objective to assess the legal and constitutional legitimacy of the legislative state act that criminalizes the conduct of carrying drugs for own consumption - in the case of Brazil, art. 28 of the Federal Law n.º 11.343 of August 23rd, 2006. Therefore, it is done, initially, a contextualization, pointing the main regulatory frameworks, internal and external, of what is conventionally called prohibition in the matter of drugs, as well as the different species of liberalizing initiatives today on an upward trend in the international scenario. Then analyzes the state intervention in question in the light of references of human dignity, freedom and privacy, emphasizing, in the point, among other contributions, the various precedents of foreign constitutional jurisdiction over the theme. Immediately thereafter, confronts the policy in screen with what is perhaps, these days, the main control mechanism of the restrictive measures of fundamental rights, namely the proportionality test, here represented by classical elements of appropriateness, necessity and proportionality in the strict sense. After that, it examines the criminalization on the agenda before the parameter of equality and the general interests of health and public safety. Based on theory and empirical enrolled in the development, it is concluded, finally, the unconstitutionality of the option of the ordinary legislature to impose criminal penalties on users - problematic or not - of substances or products capable of causing physical or psychological dependence.

O direito fundamental à igualdade no contexto da identidade sexual no Brasil: um estudo da situação jurídico-constitucional com ênfase no exame da suposta inconstitucionalidade por omissão do legislador civil

This dissertation analyses the Brazilian Supreme Court’s judgement in the Non-compliance Action of the Fundamental Precept 132/RJ and in the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality 4277/DF, which created in the country the same-sex civil union. In This decision, the STF interpreted according to the constitution Article 1.723 of the Civil Code, invoking several fundamentals reaffirmed in the Constitution. From all these laws invoked by the Supreme Court to support the pretorian creation, the content of consitutional Law regarding equality is the only that corresponds, and it is sufficient to evidence the necessity of the creation, by legislator, of the institute for civil rights, since the Constitution forbids distinctions that is not expressly provided for in the Constitution (Art. 3º, IV, of Federal Constitution). In this way, Article 226, § 3º is not an exception capable of satisfying the condition of the consitutional foresight because although it protect, according its content only the civil union “between the man and the woman”, it is not able to forbid the creation, by legislator, of another kinds of families, including the same-sex civil union. As such, the reasoning, now legitimate according to the legislator, is not support the creation of institute by Constitutional Court, because the Court may enforce the Law, interpreting in the purviews allowed by the legal text and its constitutionality. In regard to the civil union of individuos of the same sex, the Court could not deduce that such union was implied by Law, like the interpretation according to the Constitution given by judges, on grounds of semantic purviews of the words man and woman, existents in both articles. The Court could not created it either, exceeding the legal system role. So, upon the institute creation, the STF, exceeded two limits: the interpretation and Law enforcement.

Os limites do poder regulamentar do Conselho Nacional de Justiça no contexto do Estado constitucional brasileiro

The creation of the National Council of Justice (CNJ) through the Constitutional Amendment nº 45/2004, derived from countless gaps in Brazilian law, mainly relating to procedural delays, ineffectiveness of judicial decisions, and the lack of mechanisms that enable, effectively, disciplinary accountability of judges. The council is constitutionally designed as a member of the Judiciary, which has administrative nature and laid assignments in art. 103-B, § 4 of the current Constitution, among which is to edit regulations to instrument its performance. However, since it came into force, the amendment raised extensive discussions, linked in particular to the constitutionality of the CNJ, which was made through the direct action of unconstitutionality nº 3367, against the alleged violation of the principles of separation of powers and federative form, as well as the limits of its regulatory powers, as has fanned out in ADI nº 3823/ DF, this one dealing on Resolution nº 07, which regulates the seal of nepotism practice in the judiciary. However, despite the Supreme Court has already pronounced on the matter, recognizing the constitutionality of the council, as well as the resolution already said, the debate is in a state of latency, and may erupt again with each new manifestation of regulatory CNJ, given the lack of agreement between doctrine and jurisprudence around the constitutional treatment of its regulatory powers. In this context undeniably reflection on the definition of the regulatory power of the CNJ, presents itself as extremely relevant, and current, in particular in the ambience of the Constitutional Rule of Law, where he strives for legal certainty and consolidation of regulatory institutions. So that it could reach a satisfactory result, skilled at resolving the problems raised, the present study analyzed the reasons that gave rise to the creation of the CNJ, demonstrating their indispensability, but also sought to characterize the status of their administrative and constitutional body, noting finally, the compatibility of its regulatory activities to constitutional principles. From this perspective, we adopted the deductive method and carried out research and bibliographic nature documentary.

A democracia participativa na jurisdição constitucional brasileira: o amicus curiae enquanto mediador democrático no controle concentrado de constitucionalidade no Supremo Tribunal Federal

This master thesis aims to research the tension established between the judicial review and democratic theory which was always present in the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. In this regard, the expansion of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction checked after the occurrence of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the inertia of the Legislature in disciplinary relevant legal aspects of Brazilian society contributed to a hyperactivity of the Supreme Court. However, in a complex society of context, as is the Brazilian society, there are contained demands and political controversies that hardly would be well represented or resolved through the action of the Court of ministers at the expense of other government bodies. Among the supremacy of Parliament and the legitimacy deficit of these magistrates, is the constitutional text and the social fabric that makes this legal status of the political. Participatory democracy established by the guidelines of the Federal Constitution requires this perspective when the Supreme Court acting in place of concentrated constitutionality control. In a plural society, there is no reason to get rid of state decision moments popular participation. Lack the Supreme Court, this time, the democratizing perception that the institute brings to the interior of the Court, as state determination of space in which to come together and meet the aspirations of society and state claims. The dissertation investigates thus the possibility of amicus curiae Institute serve as a mediator of the democratic debate, to assist the Supreme Court in the preparation of the decision is, historically, that which is of greater legitimacy, from the perspective of a theory participatory democracy. Analyzes, likewise, the unfolding of abstract judicial review in the context of Brazilian law. Proposes, incidentally, a rereading of the separation of powers, with the call for the Judiciary be careful not to become the protagonist of national political decisions. It maintains, finally, that procedural opening the interpreters of the constitution, through the amicus curiae Institute, shows up as able to decrease the legitimacy deficit in the performance of the Brazilian Supreme Court.

A conduta judicial ética teórica e aplicada contida em princípios e regras deontológicos abrangidos pelo sistema constitucional

Research on Legal Deontology dedicated to theoretical and applied ethics on judicial conduct grounded in legal principles and rules set out in the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Organic Law of the National Judiciary, also contemplating propositional instruments covered by the constitutional system, which conveys behavioural paradigms inserted in the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct, in the Universal Statute of the Judge and in the Latin-American Code of Judicial Ethics, as well as highlight the influence of those instruments in the Brazilian Ethical Code of the Magistrates and in the official complementary training of judges in charge of Judiciary Schools. The study provides the theoretical influxes of moral norm, passing by behavioural social norm to consolidate the ideal standards of judicial conduct into legal standards and related instruments. The Legal Deontology directed to the ethical judicial conduct is confronted with the stereotype that society expressed in relation to the judge's person, who is the political agent that interprets the law for making decisions which directly influences the realization of access to justice, that is constitutionally guaranteed to all. Core values inserted in the constitutional system intended to discipline the judicial conduct are presented and analysed under a critical view, since they are enclosed in prescriptive language that conveys behavioural aspects open to interpretation and which compliance is revealed as a proposition focused on promoting a better solution of interest’s conflicts under the responsibility of those who constitute the distinctive corporation of the Judiciary. The theme’s contextualization also focuses on applied ethics, based on the approach of normative and propositional instruments of deontological content, still focusing on the study of real cases examined by the Brazilian National Council of Justice, as part of its correctional goals.

O Supremo Tribunal Federal como agente tecnocrático no exercício da jurisdição constitucional na solução de casos complexos : análise das ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade nº 3937/SP e nº 3357/RS

Many changes have taken place in contemporary society causing impacts in its different sectors, making it much more complex and insecure than in past times. The alteration on the decision-making system of the Brazilian society is among the main changes today. The post-modern context contributed to the occurrence of the transfer of state power of the Legislative and Executive Powers to the Judiciary Power, specifically to the Federal Court of Justice, leading to an expansion on the actuation range of this institution mainly through the exercise of the constitutional jurisdiction. This has caused a crisis of legitimacy in society once the Court will now decide the political and social fundamental issues. In this scenario, the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n° 3937/SP and n° 3357/RS are highlighted and both are being tried by the Supreme Court. Such emphasis is given, since it is a matter of high complexity and social repercussion that will be decided by a legal institution and not a political one. Thus, this work aims to analyze the role of the Supreme Court in the context of contemporary society on the trial of complex and controversial cases, particularly on the trial of Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n° 3937/SP and n° 3357/RS. This study has noticed that due to the post-modern context the majority of the Supreme Court Ministers tend to base their votes in constitutional principles and no longer limit themselves to a formal review of the constitutionality of laws, which indicates a substantialist approach. Moreover, it can be noticed the deliberative potential of the Court as well as the influence of the post-modern features, such as risk, uncertainty and insecurity on the elaboration of the Minister‟s votes. Therefore, sometimes, such as the case in study, the Supreme Court has acted as a technocratic agent in Brazilian society once fundamental political and social decisions for society especially when it comes to complex and controversial cases are being taken by the Supreme Court, which is composed by “Law technicians” and such decisions are mainly based in technical data and scientific studies. For the accomplishment of this work, it has been adopted the inductive approach and monographic procedure method and the bibliographical and documentary research technique.

El proceso político europeo en la laberíntica ratificación del Tratado Constitucional

Cuando nos acercamos al primer aniversario del referéndum español sobre la Constitución Europea del pasado 20 de febrero de 2005, tras las grandes expectativas levantadas, cabe preguntarse qué es lo que ha pasado con los resultados del mismo, cómo se ha gestionado el “sí” y en qué circunstancias concretas se encuentra el proceso político y cuáles son las perspectivas futuras. En un año ha cambiado completamente la percepción de la opinión pública en torno al futuro de Europa. Se ha pasado de la percepción de un claro apoyo al proyecto constitucional europeo a decir que la Constitución estaba muerta y, ahora, a sostener que empieza a “resucitar”. El problema de la ratificación, a nuestro juicio, no está en el Tratado Constitucional sino en el proceso político en el cual está teniendo lugar la ratificación, o dicho de otra manera, los “noes” no han sido causados tanto por el texto como por el contexto. Para explicar esta proposición central, que el problema de la ratificación no está en el Tratado Constitucional sino en el proceso político, partimos de analizar la relevancia del proceso político desde la aprobación de Niza en 2001, en el que por primera vez se explicita la necesidad de revisar el procedimiento de reforma de los Tratados, surgiendo de la sociedad, a través del debate sobre el futuro de Europa. Será también la primera vez que la misma se deja de abordar únicamente a través de los Gobiernos y en secreto y se lleva a cabo a través de una Convención como recoge la Declaración de Laeken de diciembre de 2001. En esa Convención Europea participa en la reforma de los Tratados por primera vez una doble legitimidad, europea y estatal, y dentro de esta los representantes de los Parlamentos Nacionales. De este método innovador surge la Constitución Europea como respuesta a las demandas de los ciudadanos de explicitación del modelo político, de hacerlo más democrático y transparente, más eficaz, más simple en los procedimientos y en las normas jurídicas, que desarrolle el modelo social europeo, y con más instrumentos para una mayor presencia en el mundo y la gestión de la globalización. Tendremos en cuenta como el Parlamento Europeo reconoce precisamente esta realidad por una amplia mayoría y por primera vez entiende que se han resuelto problemas estructurales básicos y que, en definitiva, responde a las demandas de los ciudadanos y a las necesidades objetivas de Europa. Considera además la relevancia del simbolismo de la Constitución y el significado político que el Parlamento Europeo venía reivindicando como representante de la soberanía europea. Siguiendo el análisis del proceso político estudiaremos las catorce ratificaciones positivas, bien a través de los Parlamentos Nacionales, con votaciones mayoritarias, a través de referendos en los Estados miembros. Nos detendremos en los “noes” francés y neerlandés como problemas nacionales y no europeos, no de texto sino de contexto, que especialmente es un “no” a lo que había y no a lo que viene, pero que va a incidir negativamente en la percepción del desarrollo de la vida política europea en su conjunto. Tras explicar la decisión del Consejo Europeo por la que se paraliza la ratificación, presentaremos la percepción de la crisis y los efectos políticos del “no” francés y neerlandés, analizando a continuación qué es lo que ha fallado en el proceso de ratificación, teniendo en cuenta que se ha democratizado y europeizado la fase de propuesta y redacción de la Constitución pero que se deja todavía en manos de los Estados nacionales su aprobación definitiva. Abordaremos la inviabilidad institucional del Tratado de Niza, en vigor desde el 1 de febrero de 2003, especialmente desde la ampliación a veinticinco un año después, y con los ojos puestos en una Unión de unos treinta Estados miembros en no más de cinco años. A continuación explicaremos el “coste de la no Constitución”, es decir, lo que nos está costando a los europeos el que la Constitución no esté en vigor en los plazos previstos, y lo que nos estamos perdiendo con el retraso presumiblemente de al menos un año en el mejor de los casos. Después de tener en cuenta la atonía institucional, especialmente durante el semestre de Presidencia británica, se estudiará la salida material a la crisis, que no es otra que la reactivación del proceso político a través de la adopción de políticas concretas y de soluciones en los ámbitos en los que la Unión tiene competencias con objeto de hacer funcionar las instituciones y de cambiar la percepción de los europeos sobre las mismas con la finalidad de visualizar la necesidad de “más Europa” y su expresión al día de hoy que no es otra que la Constitución Europea. Una vez tenidas en cuenta las vigencias anticipadas de la propia Constitución así como la irreversibilidad de las conquistas democráticas de este proceso político, estudiaremos la salida formal a la crisis a través de reanudar el proyecto constitucional y la forma de superar el laberinto de la ratificación, sus calendarios y sus decisiones, posiblemente en poco más de un año en el Consejo Europeo alemán de marzo o junio de 2007. En las últimas semanas se han producido una serie de señales políticas nuevas, por lo que puede vislumbrarse a lo lejos la salida del laberinto. Así, el Consejo Europeo de diciembre de 2005 ha logrado finalmente aprobar las perspectivas financieras. A la vez, se constata la necesidad de “más Europa” y el propio Consejo Europeo ha acordado la necesidad de crear una política común de migraciones y una política común de energía. En ese mismo Consejo Europeo se ha clarificado el liderazgo del nuevo Gobierno alemán y se han clarificado las incógnitas sobre cuáles son sus preferencias en relación a Europa. Además, el 19 de enero de 2006 el Parlamento Europeo aprobaba una nueva Resolución sobre el período de reflexión en la que ratifica su apoyo a que la Constitución entre en vigor antes de 2009. Igualmente se avanzan en cierta manera los posibles calendarios de la vigencia, al anunciar ya los Gobiernos alemán y portugués que ocuparán la Presidencia en 2007 que su objetivo compartido será la entrada en vigor de la Constitución Europea.

Parlamento, norma jurídica y jurisdicción constitucional en el pensamiento de Kelsen desde el punto de vista de la neutralidad

El presente trabajo estudia la obra de Kelsen respecto al parlamento, la norma jurídica y, la jurisdicción constitucional. El análisis del objeto de investigación se realiza destacando la neutralidad en el pensamiento de Kelsen, lo cual es propio de una teoría científica del derecho, que no de la moral, la política o, la ética. Se sostiene que Kelsen asume la defensa de la democracia en base a los valores de libertad e igualdad, aunque no con el objeto de instaurar un modelo político o, desde la defensa de un poder político. Del mismo modo, la teoría normativa de Kelsen ha sido desarrollada desde una perspectiva general, no busca adecuarse a un sistema legal, ni dice lo que es el derecho o, cuál debe ser el contenido material del derecho. No prescribe, sólo describe. En igual sentido, la doctrina del Tribunal Constitucional como legislador negativo se sintetiza en verificar la conformidad de la norma con la Constitución, y no en evaluar el contenido material de la norma general. Antes de abordar los postulados antes mencionados se ha considerado conveniente estudiar de modo preliminar la valoración y la neutralidad en Kelsen para entender en qué grado la teoría pura del derecho es neutral destacando dicho componente en los apartados propuestos con el objeto de responder a otra pregunta mayor referida a la utilidad de una teoría neutral y relativista en una sociedad diversa y cambiante. Kelsen admite la inevitabilidad de la valoración en el derecho y en la política en contraposición al valor neutro desarrollado en la teoría pura del derecho y en toda su doctrina. Ciertamente, la teoría pura del derecho prescinde de toda ideología; es decir, de aprobar o desaprobar su objeto de estudio o, de evaluar o justificar por medio de la ciencia del derecho una determinada idea de justicia, moral, política, etc. Sin embargo, considero que a través de toda su doctrina persigue valores comunes como la paz, la libertad, la igualdad, la justicia y la felicidad colectiva.

Nombrar lo que no tiene nombre : Una mirada sobre la monarquía en Metamorfosis de Ovidio

Nuestro propósito en este trabajo es analizar cómo la caracterización de los dos primeros reyes romanos, Rómulo y Numa (libros XIV y XV), y el episodio de Cipo (libro XV) en Metamorfosis de Ovidio dan forma literaria a una crisis de la experiencia: el fin de la República y el pasaje a una nueva forma de gobierno, el Imperio. Tomaremos como marco teórico el concepto de "estructura del sentir" de Raymond Williams