926 resultados para Beck, Ulrich, 1944-


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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

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A detailed study is presented of the expected performance of the ATLAS detector. The reconstruction of tracks, leptons, photons, missing energy and jets is investigated, together with the performance of b-tagging and the trigger. The physics potential for a variety of interesting physics processes, within the Standard Model and beyond, is examined. The study comprises a series of notes based on simulations of the detector and physics processes, with particular emphasis given to the data expected from the first years of operation of the LHC at CERN.

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This dissertation deals with the notions of sacrifice and violence in connection with the Fin¬nish flag struggles between 1917 and 1945. The study begins with the basic idea that sacrificial thinking is a key element in nationalism and the social cohesion of large groups. The method used in the study combines anthropological notions of totemism with psychoanalytical object relation theory. The aim is to explore the social and psychological elements of the Finnish national flag and the workers flags during the times of crisis and nation building. The phenomena and concepts addressed include self-sacrifice, scapegoating, remembrance of war, inclusion, and exclusion. The research is located at the intersection of nationalism studies and the cultural history of war. The analysis is based primarily on the press debates, public speeches and archival sources of the civic organizations that promoted the Finnish flag. The study is empirically divided into three sections: 1) the years of the Revolution and the Civil War (1917 1918), 2) the interwar period (1919 1938), and 3) the Second World War (1939 1945). The research demonstrates that the modern national flags and workers flags in Finland maintain certain characteristics of primitive totems. When referred to as a totem the flag means an emotionally charged symbol, a reservoir of the collective ideals of a large group. Thus the flag issue offers a path to explore the perceptions and memory of sacrifice and violence in the making of the First Republic . Any given large group, for example a nation, must conceptually pursue a consensus on its past sacrifices. Without productive interpretation sacrifice represents only meaningless violence. By looking at the passions associated with the flag the study also illuminates various group identities, boundaries and crossings of borders within the Finnish society at the same time. The study shows further that the divisive violence of the Civil War was first overcome in the late 1930s when the social democrats adopted a new perception of the Red victims of 1918 they were seen as part of the birth pains of the nation, and not only the martyrs of class struggle. At the same time the radical Right became marginalized. The study also illuminates how this development made the Spirit of the Winter War possible, a genuine albeit brief experience of horizontal brother and sisterhood, and how this spirit was reflected in the popular adoption of the Finnish flag. The experience was not based only on the external and unifying threat posed by the Soviet Union: it was grounded in a sense of unifying sacrifice which reflected a novel way of understanding the nation and its past sacrifices. Paradoxically, the newly forged consensus over the necessity and the rewards of the common sacrifices of the Winter War (1939 1940) made new sacrifices possible during the Continuation War (1941 1944). In spite of political discord and war weariness, the concept of a unified nation under the national flag survived even the absurdity of the stationary war phase. It can be said that the conflict between the idea of a national community and parliamentary party politics dissolved as a result of the collective experience of the Second World War.

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ABSTRACT The diocese as the agent and advocate of diaconial work. The development of diaconial work in the Mikkeli diocese 1945–1991. The roots of Finnish diacony are in the individual devotional life of Pietism. An acting faith had to be evident in acts of love. Following German institutional diacony, diaconial institutions were established in Finland until congregational diacony emerged alongside these institutions in the 1890s. Pastor Otto Aarnisalo acted as a pathfinder in this. He aimed to unite diacony with the Church and the life of the congregation. Diacony had been based on the idea of volunteering to separate it from statutory social work. In 1944 the church law was amended, which made diacony the concern of every member of the congregation. In the years immediately following the Second World War, discussion took place in the Church of Finland about the direction that diacony should take. In the consequential debate, caritative services overcame social diacony. The diocese administration moved to Mikkeli in 1945, when the majority of the Vyborg diocese became part of the USSR in the armistice negotiations. The Mikkeli diocese acted in its diaconial work with the same objectives as the diaconial solutions of the whole church. The acting principle of the diocese diacony became a form of helping which emphasised assistance of the individual. Especially from the 1960s onwards, the country's industrialisation and the reduction of agricultural trade had an effect on the Mikkeli diocese. The diocese administration, specifically Bishop Martti Simojoki and his successor Osmo Alaja, aimed to open up connections to the political left and people working in industry. At least indirectly this helped the diaconial work in industrial localities. In the Mikkeli diocese, a diaconial committee was established in 1971, and its work was overseen by the diocesan chapter of the bishop's office. This enabled the work of the diocese to be organised for the different areas of diacony. Previously, the diaconial work of the Finnish church had primarily been in nursing. The Health Insurance Law of 1972 brought a change to this when the responsibility for health services was transferred to the municipalities. Diacony began to move towards a psychological and spiritual emphasis. Beginning in the 1970s, the diocese started holding diaconial themed days at prescribed intervals. Although these did not result in great realignments, they did help clarify the direction that diacony would take. Large international collections were also carried out, especially in the 1980s. At the same time, socio-ethical activity vitalised and diversified Christian services. The idea that every member of the congregation should practice diacony was a strong factor in the Mikkeli diocese as well. The diocese's vision for diacony was holistic; Christian service was the responsibility of every member of the congregation. During the period of study (1945–1991), the theology of diacony was rather tenuous. Bishop Kalevi Toiviainen, however, brought forth the viewpoint of church doctrine and officially sanctioned theology. Diacony was part of the complete faith of the Church.

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The nutritional quality of the product as well as other quality attributes like microbiological and sensory quality are essential factors in baby food industry, and therefore different alternative sterilizing methods for conventional heating processes are of great interest in this food sector. This report gives an overview on different sterilization techniques for baby food. The report is a part of the work done in work package 3 ”QACCP Analysis Processing: Quality – driven distribution and processing chain analysis“ in the Core Organic ERANET project called Quality analysis of critical control points within the whole food chain and their impact on food quality, safety and health (QACCP). The overall objective of the project is to optimise organic production and processing in order to improve food safety as well as nutritional quality and increase health promoting aspects in consumer products. The approach will be a chain analysis approach which addresses the link between farm and fork and backwards from fork to farm. The objective is to improve product related quality management in farming (towards testing food authenticity) and processing (towards food authenticity and sustainable processes. The articles in this volume do not necessarily reflect the Core Organic ERANET’s views and in no way anticipate the Core Organic ERANET’s future policy in this area. The contents of the articles in this volume are the sole responsibility of the authors. The information contained here in, including any expression of opinion and any projection or forecast, has been obtained from sources believed by the authors to be reliable but is not guaranteed as to accuracy or completeness. The information is supplied without obligation and on the understanding that any person who acts upon it or otherwise changes his/her position in reliance thereon does so entirely at his/her own risk. The writers gratefully acknowledge the financial support from the Core Organic Funding Body: Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, Finland, Swiss Federal Office for Agriculture, Switzerland and Federal Ministry of Consumer Protection, Food and Agriculture, Germany.

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I denna pro gradu avhandling undersöker jag Jokela-fallets diskursiva efterdyningar utgående från ett moralpanikperspektiv. Syftet är att se huruvida reaktionerna på och förklaringarna till skolmassakern i Jokela kan anses präglas av moralpanik, samt vilka andra förklaringsmodeller som präglade den omfattande Jokela-debatten. Avhandling grundar sig på en kvalitativ diskursanalys av förklaringsmodellerna så som de presenterades i opinionstexter och insändare i Helsingin Sanomat hösten 2007. Jag analyserar hur den medierade Jokela-debatten utvecklades och formade perceptionerna om skolskjutningar, ungdomar och det finländska samhällstillståndet i stort. Jokela-fallet väckte starka reaktioner och rädsla. Man försökte förstå och förklara orsakerna till skottdramat. Flera olika förklaringsmodeller presenterades i medierna; en oro över ungdomens mentala hälsa och mobbning, webbens och populärkulturens farliga inflytande, det hårdnade samhällsklimatet och en försvagad välfärd, också den bristfälliga vapenlagstiftningen kritiserades. Den gemensamma nämnaren var att Jokela-fallet uppfattades som en indikator på hela samhällets tillstånd där en gemensam värdegrund och moral håller på att erodera. Mitt teoretiska perspektiv grundar sig främst på moralpanikteorier av Stanley Cohen och Chas Critcher som jag kopplar ihop med Ulrich Becks teori om risksamhället och Emile Durkheims anomiteori. Det här speglar jag mot bland annat Hille Koskelas forskning om rädslans kultur och trygghetssamhället, samt jämför med amerikansk forskning om skolskjutningar. Jokela-debatten formades främst av två dominerande diskurser: a) en rationaliseringsdiskurs som kännetecknas av att man försöker förklara Jokela-fallet genom förnuftsmässiga och logiska resonemang genom att peka på olika samhällsaspekter, b) en risk- och kontrolldiskurs som kännetecknas av moralpaniktendenser främst i form av oro över ungdomar, internet och försvagade samhällsnormer, samt krav på ökad social kontroll och reglering för att säkra trygghet och ordning i samhället. Jokela-fallet var inte ett klassiskt moralpanikfall, men fyllde många av kriterierna för moralpanik. Jokela-debatten uttryckte en rädslans kultur som genomsyrar dagens risksamhälle och som legitimerar ökad riskhantering och social kontroll, som försvar mot de hot och problem som samhället kollektivt upplever. Det ställdes krav på mera social kontroll och reglering på grund av upplevda hot mot samhällets normer och en försvagad moral, vilket är ett uttryck för moralpanik. Jokela-fallets diskursiva efterdyningar visar att tryggheten har blivit ett moraliskt imperativ. Trygghet har blivit något vi förutsätts eftersträva och som vi är färdiga att betala ett allt högre pris för, både mätt i pengar och i frihet.

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Background: Type 2 diabetes is linked to several complications which add to both physical and mental distress. Depression is a common co-morbidity of diabetes which can occur both as a cause and a consequence of type 2 diabetes. Depression has been shown to correlate with glucose regulation and treating depression might prove beneficial for glucose regulation as well as for mental well being. Another complication which might affect diabetes management is cognitive decline. Several risk factors and complications of diabetes might modify the risk for developing cognitive impairment, which is increased 1.5 times among subjects with type 2 diabetes. Type 2 diabetes, depression and impaired cognitive performance have all been linked to low birth weight. This thesis aimed to explore the effects and interactions of birth weight, depression and cognitive ability in relation to type 2 diabetes from a life course perspective. Subjects and methods: Studies I, II and V were part of the Helsinki Birth Cohort Study. 2003 subjects participated in an extensive clinical examination at an average age of 61 years. A standard glucose tolerance test (OGTT) was performed and depressive symptoms were assessed using the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI). In addition data was obtained from child welfare clinics and national registers. A subset of the cohort (n=1247) also performed a test on cognitive performance (CogState ®) at the average age of 64. Studies III and IV were randomised clinical trials where mildly depressed diabetic subjects were treated with paroxetine or placebo and the effect on metabolic parameters and quality of life was assessed. The first trial included 14 women and lasted 10 weeks, while the second trial included 43 subjects, both men and women, and lasted 6 months. Results: Type 2 diabetes was positively associated with the occurrence of depressive symptoms. Among diabetic subjects 23.6% had depressive symptoms, compared to 16.7% of subjects with normal glucose tolerance (OR = 1.77, p<0.001). Formal mediation analysis revealed that cardiovascular disease (CVD) is likely to act as a mediator in the association. Furthermore, low birth weight was found to modify the association between type 2 diabetes, CVD and depression. The association between BDI score and having type 2 diabetes or CVD was twice as strong in the subgroup with low birth weight (≤ 2500g) compared with the group with birth weight > 2500g (p for interaction 0.058). In the six months long randomised clinical trial (study IV) paroxetine had a transient beneficial effect on glycosylated haemoglobin A1c (GHbA1c) and quality of life when compared to placebo after three months of treatment. In study V we found that subjects with known diabetes had a consistently poorer level of cognitive performance than subjects with normal glucose tolerance in most of the tested cognitive domains. This effect was further amplified among those born with a small birth weight (p for interaction 0.002). Conclusions: Type 2 diabetes is associated with a higher occurrence of depressive symptoms compared to subjects with normal glucose tolerance. This association is especially strong among subjects with CVD and those born with a low birth weight. Treating depressed diabetic subjects with paroxetine has no long term effect on glucose regulation. Physicians should be aware of depression as an important co-morbidity of type 2 diabetes. Both depression and the cognitive decline often seen among diabetic subjects are increased if the subject is born with a low birth weight. Physicians should recognise low birth weight as an additional risk factor and modifier of diabetic complications.

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Introduction. We estimate the total yearly volume of peer-reviewed scientific journal articles published world-wide as well as the share of these articles available openly on the Web either directly or as copies in e-print repositories. Method. We rely on data from two commercial databases (ISI and Ulrich's Periodicals Directory) supplemented by sampling and Google searches. Analysis. A central issue is the finding that ISI-indexed journals publish far more articles per year (111) than non ISI-indexed journals (26), which means that the total figure we obtain is much lower than many earlier estimates. Our method of analysing the number of repository copies (green open access) differs from several earlier studies which have studied the number of copies in identified repositories, since we start from a random sample of articles and then test if copies can be found by a Web search engine. Results. We estimate that in 2006 the total number of articles published was approximately 1,350,000. Of this number 4.6% became immediately openly available and an additional 3.5% after an embargo period of, typically, one year. Furthermore, usable copies of 11.3% could be found in subject-specific or institutional repositories or on the home pages of the authors. Conclusions. We believe our results are the most reliable so far published and, therefore, should be useful in the on-going debate about Open Access among both academics and science policy makers. The method is replicable and also lends itself to longitudinal studies in the future.

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Processing maps developed on the basis of the Dynamic Materials Model provide valuable information that might help the metal working industry in solving problems related to workability and microstructural control in commercial alloys. In this research, the processing maps for an as-cast AZ31 magnesium alloy are presented. The results are validated via microstructural observations, clearly delineating safe and unsafe regimes for further process design of this alloy.

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Jatkosodan aikana kerättiin Suomen valtaamalta alueelta Itä-Karjalasta tuhansittain museoesineitä Suomen museoihin. Kansallismuseon kokoelmiin kerättiin esineitä lähinnä suomenheimoisilta mutta myös isovenäläisiltä. Tämän tutkimuksen kohteena on lähes 400:n esineen kokoelma, joka toimitettiin Kansallismuseoon vuosina 1941 1944 ja merkittiin kansallisuudeltaan venäläiseksi. Näistä venäläisistä esineistä suurimman osan keräsi alikersanttina palvellut Väinö Tuomaala. Tutkimukseni tarkastelee Väinö Tuomaalan kokoelmaa ja etsii syitä siihen, miksi kokoelma on sellainen kuin se on, miksi se ja koko venäläisten esineiden kokoelma syntyi ja mitkä seikat vaikuttivat Tuomaalan esinevalintoihin. Tutkimuksen teoria rakentuu museologisen kirjallisuuden varaan. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Väinö Tuomaalan kokoelman keräyskonteksteja. Keräyskonteksteihin kuuluvat kokoelman kerääjä, keräysajankohta ja -paikka sekä yhteenkuuluvat esineet, eli muut venäläiset esineet. Kerääjän tarkastelussa huomioidaan hänen henkilöhistoriansa ja etsitään mahdollisia keruuseen vaikuttaneita tekijöitä. Keräysajankohdan tarkastelussa huomio kiinnittyy keruuympäristöön, eli vallitseviin olosuhteisiin ja aatteelliseen ilmapiiriin, joiden vaikutuksen alaisena keruu suoritettiin. Primääriaineisto koostuu Kansallismuseon alaisen Kulttuurien museon yleisetnografisten esineiden kokoelmaan kuuluvista 198:sta Väinö Tuomaalan keräämästä esineestä verifikaatteineen, jotka ovat osa 393 esinettä käsittävästä venäläisestä kokoelmasta. Aineisto sisältää myös eri arkistojen materiaalia. Kansallisarkiston Sörnäisten toimipisteestä, entisestä sota-arkistota, löytyneitä sotapäiväkirjoja ja Tuomaalan kantakorttia on tutkimuksessa käytetty jatkosodan tapahtumien esittämiseen. Museoviraston hallinto-osaston arkiston kirjeet ja pöytäkirjat ovat antaneet tietoa kulttuurikeruun organisoinnista. Väinö Tuomaalan arkistokokoelma Seinäjoella sisältää Tuomaalan keräämää perinneaineistoa, hänen puheitaan, lehtikirjoituksiaan ja kirjeenvaihtoaan. Myös Evijärven kunnantalon kotiseutuarkistosta löytyneet kirjeet ovat valottaneet Tuomaalan jatkosodan aikaista keruutoimintaa. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran arkistot ovat tarjonneet materiaalia jatkosodan aikaisesta kulttuurikeruusta. Koko venäläisten esineiden kokoelma syntyi sattumalta ja organisoimattoman toiminnan tuloksena, jossa aktiivisia toimijoita olivat yksittäiset kerääjät. Intohimoisesta suhtautumisesta kansatieteellistä keruuta kohtaan johtuen, Tuomaala olisi todenäköisesti kerännyt museoesineitä missä päin Itä-Karjalaa tahansa. Väinö Tuomaalan Itä-Karjalassa keräämä esinekokoelma oli luonnollinen jatke hänen kotiseudullaan aloittamalleen keräystoiminnalle. Tuomaalan jatkosodan aikana keräämä kokoelma on kerääjän mieltymysten mukainen yritys kerätä vanhaa itäkarjalaista, kansallista talonpoikaiskulttuuria. Tuomaala pyrki keräämään klassista kansatieteellistä aineistoa monipuolisesti kansankulttuurin eri elämänalueilta. Tuomaalan esinekeruussa näkyi vahvasti talonpoikaiskulttuurin ihannointi ja halu pelastaa osa siitä tuleville sukupolville. Yrityksen onnistumiseen vaikuttivat sodanajan olosuhteet sekä aatteellinen ilmapiiri. Esineiden saatavuudella oli merkittävä osa kokoelman muodostumiseen, samoin Tuomaalan käsityksillä heimokansoista, Suur-Suomesta ja venäläisistä. Keruuvalintoihin ja keruun jatkumiseen vaikuttivat myös Kansallismuseon henkilökunta ja työstä saatu tunnustus.

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Symptomatic hypertrophic breasts cause a health burden with physical and psychosocial morbidity. The value of reduction mammaplasty in the treatment of symptomatic breast hypertrophy has been consistently reported by patients and has been well recognised by plastic surgeons for a long time. However, the scientific evidence of the effects of reduction mammaplasty has been weak or lacking. During the design of this study most of the previous studies were retrospective and the few prospective studies had methodological limitations. Therefore, an obvious need for prospective randomised studies was present. Nevertheless, practical and ethical considerations seemed to make this study design impossible, because the waiting time for the operation was several years. The legislation and subsequent introduction of the uniform criteria for access to non-emergency treatment in Finland removed these obstacles, as all patients received their treatment within a reasonable time. As a result, a randomised controlled trial with a six-month follow-up time was designed and conducted. In addition, a follow-up study with two to five years follow-up was also carried out later. The effects of reduction mammaplasty on the patients breast-related symptoms, psychological symptoms, pain and quality of life was assessed. In addition, factors affecting the outcome were investigated. This study was carried out in the Hospital District of Helsinki and Uusimaa, Finland. Eighty-two out of the approximately 300 patients on the waiting list in 2004 agreed to participate in the study. Patients were randomised either to be operated (40 patients) on or to be followed up (42 patients). The follow-up time for both groups was six months. The patients were operated on by plastic surgeons or trainees at the Department of Plastic Surgery at Helsinki University Central Hospital or at the Department of Surgery at Hyvinkää Hospital. The patients completed five questionnaires: the SF-36 and the 15D quality of life questionnaires, the Finnish Breast-Associated Symptoms questionnaire (FBAS), a mood questionnaire (Raitasalo s modification of the short form of the Beck Depression Inventory, RBDI), and a pain questionnaire (The Finnish Pain Questionnaire, FPQ). Sixty-two out of the original 82 patients agreed to participate in the prospective follow-up study. In this study, patients completed the 15D quality of life questionnaire, the Finnish Breast-Associated Symptoms questionnaire, and the RBDI mood questionnaire. After six months follow-up, patients who had undergone reduction mammaplasty had a significantly better quality of life, fewer breast-associated symptoms and less pain, and they were less depressed or anxious when compared to patients who had not undergone surgery. The change in quality of life was more than two times the minimal clinically important difference. The patients preoperative quality of life was significantly inferior when compared to the age-standardised general population. This health burden was removed with reduction mammaplasty. The health loss related to symptomatic breast hypertrophy was comparable to that of patients with major joint arthrosis. In terms of change in quality of life, the intervention effect of reduction mammaplasty was comparable to that of hip joint replacement and more pronounced than that of knee joint replacement surgery. The outcome of reduction mammaplasty was affected more by preoperative psychosocial factors than by changes in breast dimensions. The effects of reduction mammaplasty remained stable at two to five years follow-up. In terms of quality of life, symptomatic breast hypertrophy causes a considerable health loss comparable to that of major joint arthrosis. Patients who undergo surgery have fewer breast-associated symptoms and less pain, and they are less depressed or anxious and have an improved quality of life. The intervention effect is comparable to that of major joint replacement surgery, and it remains stable at two to five years follow-up. The outcome of reduction mammaplasty is affected by preoperative psychosocial factors.

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Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Ronald Inglehartin hiljaisen arvovallankumouksen teoriaa refleksiivisen modernisaatioteorian piiristä johdettujen vaihtoehtoisten yhteiskunnallisen epävarmuuden kasvuun liitty-vien selitysmallien kautta. Inglehartin teoria antaa ymmärtää, että modernisaation myötä käynnissä on ollut hiljainen prosessi, jossa aineellisen hyvinvoinnin ja turvallisuuden parissa kasvavat sukupolvet omaksuvat edeltäjiään jälkimaterialistisempia arvoja. Tutkimuksessa johdetaan Inglehartin teorialle kaksi rinnakkaista selitysmallia, jotka perustuvat Ulrich Beckin ja Anthony Giddensin modernisaatioteoretisoin-teihin. Ensimmäisessä mallissa Inglehartin määrittämää jälkimaterialismia pyritään selittämään Giddensin teorian avulla modernisaation myötä tapahtuvan traditioiden purkautumisen myötä yksilötasolla ilmenevän uudenlaisen autonomian kokemisen kautta, jolloin jälkimaterialismin oletetaan olevan yleisempää sellais-ten ihmisten keskuudessa, jotka traditioista irtautuessaan kykenevät onnistuneeseen itsereflektioon. Empiiristä mallinnusta varten koostetaan faktorianalyysillä kaksi Giddensin teoriaan perustuvaa jälkima-terialismia selittävää muuttujaa, joiden välinen yhteisvaikutus on tilastollisen analyysin keskiössä. Toinen malli perustuu Beckin riskiyhteiskuntateoretisointiin ja perustuu pitkälle kehittyneen modernisaa-tion mukanaan tuomien uudenlaisten riskien ja epävarmuuksien kokemiseen ja olettaa, että huolestunei-suus uudenlaisten riskien ja epävarmuuksien suhteen näkyy suurempana materialististen arvojen omak-sumisena. Selitysmalleja testataan empiirisesti ordinaalisella regression- sekä kovarianssianalyysillä World Values Survey 2005:n, European Values Study 2008:n sekä saksalaisen Political Attitudes, Political Participati-on and Voter Conduct in United Germany –surveyn vuosien 1994-2002 aineistoilla. Empiirisen analyysin perusteella kumpaakaan mallia ei kuitenkaan voida näyttää toteen käytettävissä olevilla aineistoilla. Tut-kimuksessa pyritään siten vielä problematisoimaan tutkimusasetelman operationalisointiin liittyviä on-gelmakohtia survey-aineistojen suhteen mahdollisten jatkotutkimuksien kannalta.

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Heteronuclear multiple-quantum coherence relaxation rate are calculated for the individual transitions of the S spin in an AIS nuclear spin system assuming that the heteronucleus (S spin) has relaxation contributions from both intramolecular dipole-dipole and chemical shift anisotropy relaxation. The individual multiplet components of the heteronuclear zero- and double-quantum coherences are shown to have different transverse relaxation rates. The cross-correlation between the two relaxation mechanisms is shown to be the dominant cause of the calculated differential line broadening. Experimental data are presented using as an example a uniformly 15N labelled sample of human epidermal growth factor.

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