909 resultados para Justice and Home Affairs


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This document contains two related, but separate reports. The Juvenile Crime Prevention Community Grant Fund Outcomes Report is a summary of outcomes from services and activities funded through the Juvenile Crime Prevention Community Grant Fund in FY2001. The Juvenile Justice Youth Development Program Summary describes Iowa communities’ current prevention and sanction programs supported with funding from the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP) during FY2002. The material in Juvenile Crime Prevention Community Grant Fund Outcomes Report is presented in response to a legislative mandate to report specific prevention outcomes for the community Grant Fund. It includes a brief description of a Youth Development Results Framework established by the Iowa Collaboration for Youth Development. Outcomes are reported using this results framework, which was developed by a number of state agencies as a common tool for various state programs involving youth development related planning and funding processes. Included in this report is a description of outcomes from the prevention activities funded, all or in part, by the Community Grant Fund, as reported by local communities. The program summaries presented in the Juvenile Justice Youth Development Program Summary provide an overview of local efforts to implement their 2002 Juvenile Justice Youth Development plans and include prevention and sanction programs funded through the combined resources of the State Community Grant Fund and the Federal Title V Prevention, Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Prevention Act Formula Grant and Juvenile Accountability Incentive Block Grant programs. These combined funds are referred to in this document as the Juvenile Justice Youth Development (JJYD) funds. To administer the JJYD funds, including funds from the Community Grant Fund, CJJP partners with local officials to facilitate a community planning process that determines the communities’ priorities for the use of the funds. The local planning is coordinated by the Iowa’s Decategorization Boards (Decats). These local officials and/or their staff have been leaders in providing oversight or staff support to a variety of local planning initiatives (e.g. child welfare, Comprehensive Strategy Pilot Projects, Empowerment, other) and bring child welfare and community planning experience to the table for the creation of comprehensive community longterm planning efforts. The allocation of these combined funds and the technical assistance received by the Decats from CJJP is believed to have helped enhance both child welfare and juvenile justice efforts locally and has provided for the recognition and establishment of connections for joint child welfare/juvenile justice planning. The allocation and local planning approach has allowed funding from CJJP to be “blended” or “braided” with other local, state, and federal dollars that flow to communities as a result of their local planning responsibilities. The program descriptions provided in this document reflect services and activities supported with JJYD funds. In many cases, however, additional funding sources have been used to fully fund the programs. Most of the information in this document’s two reports was submitted to CJJP by the communities through an on- line planning and reporting process established jointly by the DHS and CJJP.

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Perceiving injustice is a key antecedent of a large range of undesirable employee attitudes and behaviors at work. For example, research has shown that employees who perceive their workplace as unfair are less satisfied, less committed and engage in more counterproductive behaviors. In this study, we suggest that justice motives like the belief in a just world (BJW) contribute to explaining relations between justice perceptions and undesirable behaviors. Specifically, we propose that individual differences in BJW (i.e, the belief that the world is just, where everyone is rewarded for his or her behavior) are related to work-related behaviors and attitudes by coloring perceptions of workplace fairness. We investigated our hypotheses in a survey study with 176 employees of various organizations (36% women; mean tenure 12.3 yeares). Results showed that after controlling for other influencing factors (e.g., neuroticism) BJW was negatively related to self-reported work deviant behaviors and to cynical, disillusioned attitudes toward the current job. Moreover, BJW was positively related to overall job satisfaction. Consistent with our expectations, relations of BJW with deviant behaviors and with attitudes were mediated by perceptions of interactional and procedural justice. These results suggest extending models of justice and deviance by including motives such as BJW.

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Verenpaineen kotimittaus − epidemiologia ja kliininen käyttö Kohonnutta verenpainetta, maailmanlaajuisesti merkittävintä ennenaikaiselle kuolemalle altistavaa riskitekijää, ei voida tunnistaa tai hoitaa ilman tarkkoja ja käytännöllisiä verenpaineen mittausmenetelmiä. Verenpaineen kotimittaus on saavuttanut suuren suosion potilaiden keskuudessa. Lääkärit eivät ole kuitenkaan vielä täysin hyväksyneet verenpaineen kotimittausta, sillä riittävä todistusaineisto sen toimivuudesta ja eduista on puuttunut. Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli osoittaa, että kotona mitattu verenpaine (kotipaine) on perinteistä vastaanotolla mitattua verenpainetta (vastaanottopaine) tarkempi, ja että se on tehokas myös kliinisessä käytössä. Tutkimme kotipaineen käyttöä verenpainetaudin diagnosoinnissa ja hoidossa. Lisäksi tarkastelimme kotipaineen yhteyttä verenpainetaudin aiheuttamiin kohde-elinvaurioihin. Ensimmäinen aineisto, joka oli edustava otos Suomen aikuisväestöstä, koostui 2 120 45–74-vuotiaasta tutkimushenkilöstä. Tutkittavat mittasivat kotipainettaan viikon ajan ja osallistuivat terveystarkastukseen, johon sisältyi kliinisen tutkimuksen ja haastattelun lisäksi sydänfilmin otto ja vastaanottopaineen mittaus. 758 tutkittavalle suoritettiin lisäksi kaulavaltimon seinämän intima-mediakerroksen paksuuden (valtimonkovettumataudin mittari) mittaus ja 237:lle valtimon pulssiaallon nopeuden (valtimojäykkyyden mittari) mittaus. Toisessa aineistossa, joka koostui 98 verenpainetautia sairastavasta potilaasta, hoitoa ohjattiin satunnaistamisesta riippuen joko ambulatorisen eli vuorokausirekisteröinnillä mitatun verenpaineen tai kotipaineen perusteella. Vastaanottopaine oli kotipainetta merkittävästi korkeampi (systolisen/diastolisen paineen keskiarvoero oli 8/3 mmHg) ja yksimielisyys verenpainetaudin diagnoosissa kahden menetelmän välillä oli korkeintaan kohtalainen (75 %). 593 tutkittavasta, joilla oli kohonnut verenpaine vastaanotolla, 38 %:lla oli normaali verenpaine kotona eli ns. valkotakkiverenpaine. Verenpainetauti voidaan siis ylidiagnosoida joka kolmannella potilaalla seulontatilanteessa. Valkotakkiverenpaine oli yhteydessä lievästi kohonneeseen verenpaineeseen, matalaan painoindeksiin ja tupakoimattomuuteen, muttei psykiatriseen sairastavuuteen. Valkotakkiverenpaine ei kuitenkaan vaikuttaisi olevan täysin vaaraton ilmiö ja voi ennustaa tulevaa verenpainetautia, sillä siitä kärsivien sydän- ja verisuonitautien riskitekijäprofiili oli normaalipaineisten ja todellisten verenpainetautisten riskitekijäprofiilien välissä. Kotipaineella oli vastaanottopainetta vahvempi yhteys verenpainetaudin aiheuttamiin kohde-elinvaurioihin (intima-mediakerroksen paksuus, pulssiaallon nopeus ja sydänfilmistä todettu vasemman kammion suureneminen). Kotipaine oli tehokas verenpainetaudin hoidon ohjaaja, sillä kotipaineeseen ja ambulatoriseen paineeseen, jota on pidetty verenpainemittauksen ”kultaisena standardina”, perustuva lääkehoidon ohjaus johti yhtä hyvään verenpaineen hallintaan. Tämän ja aikaisempien tutkimusten tulosten pohjalta voidaan todeta, että verenpaineen kotimittaus on selkeä parannus perinteiseen vastaanotolla tapahtuvaan verenpainemittaukseen verrattuna. Verenpaineen kotimittaus on käytännöllinen, tarkka ja laajasti saatavilla oleva menetelmä, josta voi tulla jopa ensisijainen vaihtoehto verenpainetautia diagnosoitaessa ja hoitaessa. Verenpaineen mittauskäytäntöön tarvitaan muutos, sillä näyttöön perustuvan lääketieteen perusteella vaikuttaa, että vastaanotolla tapahtuvaa verenpainemittausta tulisi käyttää vain seulontatarkoitukseen.

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ABSTRACT In this article I explore whether liberal retributive justice should be conceived of either individualistically or holistically. I critically examine the individualistic account of retributive justice and suggest that the question of retribution – i.e., whether and when punishment of an individual is compatible with just treatment of that individual – must be answered holistically. By resorting to the ideal of sensitive reasons, a model of legitimacy at the basis of our best normative models of democracy, the article argues that in modern liberal democracies, punishment of an offender A for f is compatible with just treatment of A only if punishment of an individual for f can be legitimate in A's and A's fellow citizens' eyes. Only once retributive justice is understood in this holistic fashion the imposition of punishment can be made compatible with just treatment of individuals.

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In this thesis, I argue that there are public cultural reasons that can underpin public justifications of minority rights of indigenous and national minorities in a constitutionaldemocracy. I do so by tackling diverse issues facing a liberal theory of multiculturalism. In the first essay, I criticize Will Kymlicka’s comprehensive liberal theory of minority rights and propose a political liberal alternative. The main problem of Will Kymlicka’s theory is that it builds on the contestable liberal value of individual autonomy and thus fails to take diversity seriously. In the second essay, I elaborate on the Rawlsian political liberalism assumed here by criticizing Chandran Kukathas’s version of political liberalism as overly accommodating to diversity. In the third essay, I discuss questions of method that arise for a political liberal approach to the moral-political foundations of multiculturalism, and propose a certain understanding of the political liberal enterprise and its crucial standard of reasonableness. In the fourth essay, I dwell on the political liberal ethic of citizenship and propose a strongly inclusionist interpretation of the duty of civility. In the fifth and last essay, I introduce a certain understanding of ethnocultural justice and propose a view on certain cultural reasons as public cultural reasons. Cultural reasons are public when they are based on necessarily established cultural marks of a democratic polity, as specified by the cultural establishment view; and when they are crucial for the societal cultural bases of self-respect of citizens. The arguments in this thesis support, and help to spell out, moral-political rights of indigenous and national minorities as formulated in international legal documents, such as the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007) or the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (United Nations 1966).

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In this thesis, I explore how the folk-rock music of Ani DiFranco has influenced the activist commitments, sensibilities, and activities of reproductive rights activists. My interest in the relation of popular music to social movements is informed by the work of Simon Frith (1987, 1996a, 1996b), Rob Rosenthal (2001), and Ann Savage (2003). Frith argues that popular music is an important contributor to personal identity and the ways that listeners see the world. Savage (2003) writes that fans develop a unique relationship with feminist/political music, and Rosenthal (2001) argues that popular music can be an important factor in building social movements. I use these arguments to ask what the influence of Ani DiFranco's music has been for reproductive rights activists who are her fans. I conducted in-depth interviews with ten reproductive rights activists who are fans of Ani DiFranco's music. All ten are women in their twenties and thirties living in Ontario or New York. Each has been listening to DiFranco's music for between two and fifteen years, and has considered herself a reproductive rights activist for between eighteen months and twenty years. I examine these women's narratives of their relationships with Ani DiFranco's music and their activist experience through the interconnected lenses of identity, consciousness, and practice. Listening to Ani DiFranco's music affects the fluid ways these women understand their identities as women, as feminists, and in solidarity with others. I draw on Freire's (1970) understanding of conscientization to consider the role that Ani's music has played in heightening women's awareness about reproductive rights issues. The feeling of solidarity with other (both real and perceived) activist fans gives them more confidence that they can make a difference in overcoming social injustice. They believe that Ani's music encourages productive anger, which in turn fuels their passion to take action to make change. Women use Ani's music deliberately for energy and encouragement in their continued activism, and find that it continues to resonate with their evolving identities as women, feminists, and activists. My study builds on those of Rosenthal (2001) and Savage (2003) by focusing on one artist and activists in one social movement. The characteristics of Ani DiFranco, her fan base, and the reproductive rights movement allow new understanding of the ways that female fans who are members of a female-dominated feminist movement interact with the music of a popular independent female artist.

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This thesis answers some important questions about how Fair Trade is experienced and perceived by some Northern sellers, consumers, activists, advocates, practitioners, and an importer. As it relates to sellers, I focus only on small scale independent businesses (i.e. I do not include large corporate businesses in my interview sample). Fair Trade works to establish a dignified livelihood for many producers in the South. Some of the most important actors in the Fair Trade movement are the people who buy, sell, and/or advocate for Fair Trade in the North. Fair Trade is largely a consumer movement which relies on the purchase of Fair Trade products. Without consumers purchasing Fair Trade products, retailers providing the products for sale, and activists raising awareness of Fair Trade, the movement, as it is presently constituted, would be non-existent. This qualitative research is based on 19 in-depth i.nterviews with nine interviewees involved with Fair Trade in Canada. I focus on benefits, challenges, and limitations of Fair Trade in the context of their involvement with it. I describe and analyze how people become involved with Fair Trade, what motivates them to do so, what they hope to achieve, and the benefits of being involved. I also describe and analyze how people understand and deal with any challenges and limitations associated with their involvement with Fair Trade. I also explore whether involvement with Fair Trade influences how people think about other products that they purchase and, if so, in what ways. I focus mainly on the commodity of coffee, but my discussion is not limited to this single commodity. Interviewees' experiences with and participation in Fair Trade vary in terms of their level of involvement and interest in the broader Fair Trade movement (as opposed to just participating in the market component). This research reveals that while Fair Trade is a small movement, sellers, consumers, and activists have had much success in the advancement of Fair Trade. While challenges have not deterred interviewees from continuing to participate in Fair Trade, analysis and explanation of such challenges provides the opportunity for Fair Trade practitioners to develop effective solutions in an effort to meet the needs of various Fair Trade actors.

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In this thesis, I work through the educational narratives of young Aboriginal women and men as I explore the relationship between cultural programming and student engagement. My analysis is structured through a collaborative Indigenous research project. My overarching task is to explore how a cultural support program, the Native Youth Advancement with Education Hamilton (NYA WEH) Program, offered at Sir John A. Macdonald Secondary School, located in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, attempts to re-imagine Aboriginal education in ways that directly challenge the residential school legacy. In particular, I work to illuminate how particular forms of Aboriginal education are connected to the graduation rates of Aboriginal youth. I argue that the ways in which the NYA WEH Program navigates Native Studies curriculum, relationships, and notions of culture and tradition are significant to the engagement of Aboriginal youth. This research develops theoretical connections between the contemporary experience of Aboriginal social inequality and educational initiatives which attempt to reverse that legacy. By placing the NYA WEH Program narratives side-by-side with literature supporting Aboriginal education for Self-determination, I work to learn how to best support and encourage Aboriginal student engagement in secondary schools across Ontario.

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Jusqu’à présent, la santé des personnes âgées a surtout été étudiée sous l’angle de la perte d’autonomie, des politiques de santé et des difficultés soulevées par l’allocation des ressources, et ces problèmes ont été généralement traités par des technocrates, des spécialistes et rarement par les personnes âgées elles-mêmes. En outre, on s’intéresse peu aux perceptions des personnes âgées selon le ou les points de vue qui peuvent être les leurs. L’originalité de cette thèse provient justement du fait qu’elle a pour objet l’expérience du vieillissement telle que vécue par des personnes âgées et les représentations qu’elles s’en font dans leurs rapports avec les services de santé –vécu, attentes et besoins, le tout envisagé sous l’angle des questions et enjeux éthiques de respect de l’autonomie des personnes, de justice et d’équité, de responsabilité partagée. Il ressort de trente entretiens avec des personnes âgées entre 70 et 91 ans que l’expérience du vieillissement est toujours unique, singulière, même si certaines catégorisations et modélisations peuvent être construites en fonction de l’état de santé, des ruptures et des pertes subies, des liens maintenus ou pas. La préservation de leur autonomie apparaît comme un élément important, parfois central dans les propos recueillis, qui disent les efforts consentis à cette fin, reconnaissant toutefois que, fragilisée, l’autonomie a besoin, pour pouvoir encore se vivre et s’exercer malgré les limites et les contraintes liées à l’âge ou à la maladie, d’une solidarité effective, de l’aide des proches et d’un soutien plus large. Le partage des responsabilités et des tâches entre les proches et les services sociaux est perçu comme inique. Aussi interroge-t-on, en conclusion de la thèse, la volonté de l’État et sa contribution dans la mise en œuvre de la politique de maintien à domicile et des dispositifs de pratique, et son bien-fondé en regard de l’hétérogénéité du vieillissement.

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Ce mémoire propose une analyse critique du discours de l’enregistrement sonore à domicile (home recording). Dans la foulée des propos mettant de l’avant l’ «accessibilité» et la «démocratisation» de l’enregistrement sonore, ce mémoire analyse les relations de savoir/pouvoir produites et légitimées par le discours, ce qu’elles permettent et contraignent, autorisent et excluent. Le corpus à l’étude est issu de la presse musicale ainsi que de forums de discussion en ligne relevant de sites spécialisés. Les méthodes utilisées sont inspirées de l’approche du discours développées par Michel Foucault et de ce que Johnson et. al. (2004) appellent l’interprétation critique. L’analyse met en évidence les deux principaux sujets du discours de l’enregistrement sonore à la maison : les professionnels de l’enregistrement et les «pros» de l’enregistrement à domicile, deux groupes constitués d’hommes financièrement aisés. Les règles qui régissent l’enregistrement à domicile semblent reprendre, en les adaptant, celles régissant les studios professionnels. Ce mémoire suggère que la «démocratisation» telle qu'énoncée dans ce discours articule l'«accessibilité contemporaine» à certains savoirs et certaines technologies à des exclusions singulières – comme des femmes et des personnes de moyens limités – qui rendent ce discours possible. Être dans le vrai, dans ce discours, c’est échanger, argumenter, discuter et prescrire des façons de faire et de dire qui font des studios professionnels l’espace des normes et des légitimités. Mots clés: enregistrement, musique, maison, domicile, studio, démocratisation, technologie, l'analyse du discours, relations de pouvoir/savoir, Michel Foucault.

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This paper deals with a prevailing assumption that basic goods are accessory to claims of justice. Against such an assumption, the paper advances the idea that basic goods (the core of what I wish to call the sufficiency threshold) are fundamental as a matter of justice. The paper then addresses the question as to what is the elemental justifiability of a social minimum and how that relates to theories of justice, particularly to emerging theories of global justice. The arguments against the aforementioned assumption call upon the strengths of a general theory of justice already in place, namely, John Rawls’s theory of justice and the enriching response and criticism thereof—particularly David Miller’s theory of justice.

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El fin de la Guerra Fría supuso no sólo el triunfo del capitalismo y de la democracia liberal, sino un cambio significativo en el Sistema Internacional; siendo menos centralizado y más regionalizado, como consecuencia de la proximidad y relaciones de interdependencia entre sus actores (no sólo Estados) y permitiendo la formación de Complejos Regionales de Seguridad (CRS). Los CRS son una forma efectiva de relacionarse y aproximarse a la arena internacional pues a través de sus procesos de securitización y desecuritización consiguen lograr objetivos específicos. Partiendo de ello, tanto la Unión Europea (UE) como la Comunidad para el Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC) iniciaron varios procesos de securitización relacionados con la integración regional; siendo un ejemplo de ello la eliminación de los controles en sus fronteras interiores o libre circulación de personas; pues consideraron que de no hacerse realidad, ello generaría amenazas políticas (su influencia y capacidad de actuación estaban amenazadas), económicas (en cuanto a su competitividad y niveles básicos de bienestar) y societales (en cuanto a la identidad de la comunidad como indispensable para la integración) que pondrían en riesgo la existencia misma de sus CRS. En esta medida, la UE creó el Espacio Schengen, que fue producto de un proceso de securitización desde inicios de la década de los 80 hasta mediados de la década de los 90; y la SADC se encuentra inmersa en tal proceso de securitización desde 1992 hasta la actualidad y espera la ratificación del Protocolo para la Facilitación del Movimiento de personas como primer paso para lograr la eliminación de controles en sus fronteras interiores. Si bien tanto la UE como la SADC consideraron que de no permitir la libre circulación de personas, su integración y por lo tanto, sus CRS estaban en riesgo; la SADC no lo ha logrado. Ello hace indispensable hacer un análisis más profundo de sus procesos de securitización para así encontrar sus falencias con respecto al éxito de la UE. El análisis está basado en la Teoría de los Complejos de Seguridad de Barry Buzan, plasmada en la obra Security a New Framework for Analysis (1998) de Barry Buzan, Ole Waever y Jaap de Wilde y será dividido en cada una de las etapas del proceso de securitización: la identificación de una amenaza existencial a un objeto referente a través de un acto discursivo, la aceptación de una amenaza por parte de una audiencia relevante y las acciones de emergencia para hacer frente a las amenazas existenciales; reconociendo las diferencias y similitudes de un proceso de securitización exitoso frente a otro que aún no lo ha sido.

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La presente investigación analiza los principales retos que afectan la cooperación e integración de los cuerpos policiales latinoamericanos en la lucha contra el narcotráfico. Para realizar dicho análisis se toma como caso de estudio AMERIPOL, organización creada en el año 2007 y que actualmente constituye el único mecanismo de cooperación policial en el hemisferio americano. Se considera que la cooperación e integración de los cuerpos policiales en la lucha contra el narcotráfico en la región enfrentan dos retos principales: la disparidad de los marcos jurídicos entre los Estados y la descoordinación política. Estos retos suponen la existencia de factores que impiden una política de cooperación conjunta contra las drogas y por tanto, el desarrollo de actitudes aislacionistas que limitan la cooperación en contra de éste flagelo

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The causality between international trade and industrialization is still ambiguous. We consider a model of international trade with the Home Market Effect - with differences in income and productivity between sectors and between countries - in order to identify additional channels for determining the effects of international trade on industrialization. Introducing non-homothetic preferences and differences in productivity aids in the interpretation of any apparent paradoxes within international trade, such as the commercial relations between more populated countries like China and India and large economies such as the U.S. Population size, demand composition and productivity levels constitute the three main channels for determining the effects of international trade. Interactions among these channels define the results obtained in terms of industrialization, while welfare levels are always higher in relation to autarky.

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The aim of this chapter is to briefly outline how disability has been represented in theatre, what access disabled people have had to drama and theatre in the past, and what might be achieved in the pursuit of social justice with young people in relation to awareness of and provision for disability. It will focus in particular on how disability has been addressed in drama education and what assumptions have been made regarding drama and disability in education. In considering such issues one might perceive manifestations of what Freebody and Finneran (2013) recognise as an overlapping and ‘somewhat artificially created dichotomy between drama for social justice and drama about social justice.’ This chapter will examine some examples of how drama has been used to give students in mainstream schools insights into disability, and the philosophy that underpins the drama curriculum of one special school where the focus is on drama as social justice: the argument being that in some cases simply doing drama is, in effect, a manifestation of social justice. Finally, some of the progress made in recent years regarding access and engagement will be addressed through specific reference to the authors’ on-going work into ‘performing social research’ (Shah, 2013) and how theatres are increasingly attempting to give more access to disabled young people and their families by offering ‘relaxed performances.’