A política nacional de educação ambiental: limites e desafios para a sua efetivação na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte

The Environmental Education is a plural and diversified knowledge field, composed by a group of social agents of specific State, government and civil society sectors, with different world views and theoretical matrices that exercised and influenced its genealogy and constitutive dynamic. The Environmental Education – while specific knowledge field – has been produced, systematized and diffused in Brazil in the last decades by official State organisms, through public policies, as well as by social movements of popular education, and constitutes a large and historical movement about the environmental question, that was worldwide projected in the 1960 decade (the environmentalist movement). Concerning the creation of public policies and specific programs to the Environmental Education, in the scope of the governmental initiative, the approval of the National Policy of Environmental Education, by means of the Law n. 9.795/99 – together with its regulatory decree, the Decree nº 4.281 – represents the consolidation of a inclusion process of the environmental dimension in the educational field. These normative acts, beyond charging the public power with the incumbency to define public policies that incorporate the environmental dimension and to promote the Environmental Education in all education levels, also charge the educational institution with the duty of promoting this component in an integrated and articulated way with the educational programs that such institutions develop. In this context, it is aimed to identify and analyze under the light of the dialectical and historical materialism, the practices and concepts developed under the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), with regard to its institutional policy on Environmental Education, relating it to establishing the Pnea. The analysis by means specific legislation on the subject and institutional documents UFRN. The research showed that, in general, the National Environmental Education Policy has limits to its effectiveness given the absence of specific funding for this purpose and the little government involvement in that the Brazilian State assumes, by through effective policies, the material conditions of financing actions with respect to this field of education. The fragmented and disjointed way the analyzed actions are developed constitutes a limit to the challenge for the UFRN implement, consistently and objectively, an Environmental Education policy, which can be monitored and evaluated as an effective public policy, both landmarks major goal of own Pnea as the demands of development whose agenda a critical environmental perspective.

O nascimento de uma política pública: das articulações à formulação do PRONERA

This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.

Projeto de mobilidade urbana: estudo sobre processos de integração com habitação de interesse social nas obras do PAC da COPA 2014 em Natal/RN

The public political investments of urban mobility financed by PAC of Cup 2014 have developed discussions and questions by the civil society in Brazil expecting positive results to the urban infrastructure referring to the possible human rights violation and, specially, rights of habitation related to the removing/expropriation noticed. Natal, capital of Rio Grande do Norte, is into this context, due to the urban mobility project linking North Zone of the city to the Arena das Dunas stadium, financed by the PAC of Cup 2014, named West Structural Corridor, that crosses a field of social interest and proposes almost 400 expropriations. This research analyzes how strategies and mechanisms of integration were presented between the mobility project of West Structural Corridor and the Social Interest Habitation affected by this project. We have as hypothesis those projects financed by PAC of Cup 2014/Urban Mobility to Natal/RN present many problems related to the integration of social interest to the housing project, however the National Politics of Urban Development has planned this integration. As a result we detach 3 strategies in the elaboration process about the integration of those politics: (i) integration between municipal secretaries involved in this project; (ii) urban integration of the city; and (iii) integration of public rules or public politics integrated. For each strategy were presented the main mechanisms used to establish the integration of the project. Those mechanisms, however, in this process of establishment/implementation of the empirical research, presented many contradictions and conflicts that compose problems to the integration between the mobility project and the housing area affected.

Políticas públicas, desenvolvimento local e participação social nas instâncias de governança associadas ao turismo no Rio Grande do Norte

In contemporary dynamics, a change is observed in the institutional structure of the state, culminating in several policies for the tourist sector which promote a new management format. The from this view, the Tourism Regionalization Macro Program (TRP), considered a significant program to Ministry of Tourism, arose as an answer to this new reality, having as strategy a joint working of structuring and promotion turned at decentralization of actions, valuing the residents participation in the search of the permanent dialogue between peers and revaluation of places and territories, based in the regionalization process. Based on this bias, this study aims to examine the role of the Tourism State Council of Rio Grande do Norte, with regard to the tourism planning, trying to understand it and solve it as governance Instance, through the Tourism Regionalization Program interventions, given the participation context of its actors and agents. For purposes of this study is delimited as time frame the year 2007 at 2014, understanding that it was this time, there was greater council members accession, as well as different types of sectors representation of civil society, as a result of a tourism public policy based on principles of innovation and participation. In relation to the research problem, this study is conceptualized as a qualitative and the chosen method is the materialist dialectic. Still on the methodological options, utilize the Content Analysis. The results show that the institutionalization of governance instance as the Conetur does not contributes, ideally, in the planning and management process of participatory and integrated tourist activity, facing a fair direction of your space production. The research indicates that there are debates, discussions and guidelines (still in a timely and targeted form), but not reverberates practical effects, by act in a conjuncture that Is strategically designed for political and economic power game, setting the hegemonic actors performance, which uses this arena to instill personal desires and wishes, that are decided in absentia to the council.

Deliberação e participação: dinâmica e efetividade do conselho de saúde de Mossoró/RN – 2009/2012

The social participation in Brazil takes a new impetus with the (re)democratization process of the Brazilian society and is strengthened by the resurgence of the civil society and the 1988 Constitution. In this context, the study is conducted with the scope to verify the effectiveness of deliberative Municipal Health Council of Mossoro (CMSM), with theoretical and methodological support based on the following models: the participatory normativity, which measures the degree of institutionalization, democratization and council representation; and the effectiveness of deliberative that, from the calling capacity and agenda of the participants, from the kinds of manifestation, from the decisions and the council’s office, that measures the degree of effectiveness of the deliberative council. It appears, thus, that the council has an average degree of effectiveness deliberative, standing out as means an institution that practice, despite the existence of obstacles and challenges, the role of control over municipal health policies, due, among other factors, the conservative political context, the asymmetry of resources between the counselors, the little substantive participation of the actors who attend its meetings, either counselor or not, and in particular, the reduced influence of the members in its decision-making process. In public management of Mossoro, social participation, especially social control over public actions, face, today, great number of difficulties to be held. The study recognizes that, in such circumstances, the council partially fulfills the role for which it was created, what does not impede, however, be characterized as an important deliberative space, since it allows the participation of representatives of the various segments of the state, society, their demands and intentions. Overcoming such obstacles moves through the interest of civil society to wake up and fight for the spaces in these institutions.

O crucifixo nos tribunais: a neutralidade religiosa e o uso dos espaços públicos

This thesis aims to analyze the cross exhibition in sessions halls and audiences of the judiciary, considered the religious freedom and the limitations arising from the idea of State neutrality. It is known that the 1988 Constitution protects freedom of expression of thought, conscience and religion, in its various aspects, proclaiming, on the other hand, the neutrality of the state, to reinforce these same freedoms. Thus, the aim is to avoid confusion between state and religion, admitted, however, collaboration of public interest, in respect of attitude to the beliefs and individual choices of citizens. In modern societies, the dualism between the civil power and religion has to do with laicity and a broader phenomenon that took the name of secularism, meaning the loss of space of religion in societies or even decreased idea religious belonging. It is based on this finding that the work develops with reference to concepts such as civil society and rule of law relevant to an accurate understanding of the problem. The methodology consists of bibliographic and documentary research through books and thesis, in addition to the legislation and some precedents related to the topic in question, looking to investigate whether, even though the predominantly Catholic Brazilian people and recognized the strong influence that Christian values exercise on the public authorities, it is possible to sustain the symbolic differentiation state, a republic that is said secular and democratic and which has as one of the fundamental objectives to promote the good of all, without any form of discrimination. Starting from the idea that the presence in buildings and public institutions, symbols and Catholic imagery, like the crucifix, has some difficulty in reconciling the guarantee of religious freedom and the principle of laicity, the idea is to exactly propose a solution who can respect pluralism and diversity in a context where Catholicism remains a strong presence.

Political parties and trade unions in the post-communist Poland:class politics that have never a chance to happen

Trade unions in Poland have not built the stable and long-term relations with political parties as are observed in Western democracies. By analysing the historical and symbolic background of the transformation to a democratic civil society and free market economy, political preferences of working class, trade union membership rates, and public opinion polls, we argue that, in case of Poland, the initial links between political parties and trade unions weakened over time. Polish trade unions never had a chance to become a long-term intermediary between society and political parties, making the Polish case study a double exception from the traditional models.

Institutional Persistence in Eastern Europe: Economic and Political Legacies of Empires and Communism

This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?

I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.

This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.

The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.

The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.

The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.

In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.

From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.

Transfert de connaissances et politiques publiques : le cas de la politique de gratuité des soins au Niger

Au Niger, le taux de mortalité maternelle est estimé à 535 décès pour 100 000 naissances vivantes (INS, 2013) et la probabilité pour un nouveau-né de mourir avant l’âge d’un mois est de 33 ‰. Depuis 2006, le Niger a mis en place une politique de gratuité des soins pour les femmes enceintes et les enfants de 0 à 5 ans, ce qui a contribué à une amélioration significative de la fréquentation des centres de santé. En mars 2012, un processus délibératif fut organisé pendant une conférence de trois jours pour échanger sur les acquis, limites et perspectives de cette nouvelle politique avec 160 participants dont des chercheurs, des humanitaires, des décideurs politiques et des intervenants sur le terrain. L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre les effets de cette conférence ainsi que d’explorer les activités du comité de suivi de la feuille de route. La recherche a été réalisée durant deux mois en été 2014 à Niamey et à N’guiguimi. Elle a reposé sur l’utilisation du cadre conceptuel de Boyko et al., (2012) qui permet de décrire les principales caractéristiques et les effets attendus des dialogues délibératifs et comprendre comment les dialogues délibératifs peuvent contribuer à l’élaboration de politiques sur la base de données probantes. Nous avons mis un accent particulier sur les trois formes d’utilisation des connaissances présentées par Dagenais et al., (2013) : instrumentale, conceptuelle et persuasive. Des entretiens semi-directifs ont été effectués avec 22 acteurs impliqués dans la mise en oeuvre des recommandations. Ils ont été enregistrés, retranscrits intégralement et traités avec le logiciel QDA Miner. Les résultats de l’analyse des discours recueillis révèlent une utilisation instrumentale des recommandations et plus visible chez les humanitaires que les décideurs et les acteurs de la société civile. Il ressort aussi de cette analyse une utilisation conceptuelle et persuasive des recommandations à un degré plus faible parmi tous les acteurs. Le comité de suivi de la feuille route de la conférence n’a pratiquement pas fonctionné, par conséquent, le processus n’a pas eu l’impact souhaité. Les principales raisons de cet échec sont liées au contexte de mise en oeuvre des recommandations (arrestation de plusieurs agents du ministère de la Santé publique qui sont des membres clés du comité de suivi à cause du détournement des fonds GAVI, manque de volonté technique et politique) et/ou aux conditions financières (absence de primes pour les membres du comité et de budget de fonctionnement.). Les iv résultats obtenus ont permis de comprendre les énormes défis (contextuels, financiers notamment) qui restent à relever en matière de transfert de connaissance dans le secteur de santé publique au Niger. En ce qui concerne la suite de la conférence, il faudrait accélérer la redynamisation du comité de suivi en le dotant d’un fonds de fonctionnement et en créant une agence autonome de gestion de la gratuité des soins; et renforcer le soutien politique autour de l’Initiative Santé Solidarité Sahel.

Without an empire: Muslim mobilization after the caliphate

The Caliphate was a fundamental part of Islamic society for nearly 1300 years. This paper seeks to uncover what effect the removal of this institution had on the mobilization of Muslims in several parts of the world; Turkey, Egypt, and British India. These countries had unique experiences with colonialism, secularism, nationalism, that in many ways conditioned the response of individuals to this momentous occasion. Each country’s reaction had a profound impact on the future trajectory of civil society, and the role of Islam in the lives of its citizens. The conclusions of this paper challenge the monolithic depiction of Islam in the world, and reveal the origins of conflict that these three centers of Muslim power face today. Much of the religious narrative now commonplace in Muslim organizations derive from this pivotal event in world history.

Democracy Matters: Lessons from the 2015 Citizens' Assemblies on English Devolution

The Citizens’ Assembly pilots on local democracy and devolution were the first of their kind in the United Kingdom. Organised by Democracy Matters — an alliance of university researchers and civil society organisations led by Professor Matthew Flinders — and funded by the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council, the Assemblies took place in Southampton and Sheffield towards the end of 2015.

Accommodating Muslim Minorities in Secular Societies: Public Education in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec

Abstract This thesis examines one of the most sensitive challenges facing contemporary democracies: the accommodation of Muslim minorities in public institutions and services. It focuses on the field of education, and on two particular issues: the public funding of Islamic schools and the accommodation of Muslim needs in public secular schools. The analysis is based on an examination of outcomes in four jurisdictions that differ significantly in the level of accommodation that has emerged: England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. I seek to explain why such variation in outcomes exists among these four cases. I draw on four bodies of literature to underpin the theoretical framework: historical institutionalism, political mobilization by civil society, political parties, and ideationalism. My argument can be summarized simply; historic church-state settlements, unique in each case, are the most important factor explaining the variation in outcomes in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. In some cases, the historic church-state template is incrementally adapted to accommodate Muslim minorities. In other cases, relatively little accommodation occurs and the path-dependent trajectory of church-state relations remains entrenched. While the historic church-state template is a necessary factor in the explanation, it does not fully account for the variation. For a more complete picture, I demonstrate that there are several additional key factors that also shape the outcomes: first, national identity and public attitudes towards immigration and immigrants; second, the extent of mobilization by political agents, such as civil society organizations and historic churches; and third, the response of political parties to demands by Muslims for institutional accommodation. Ultimately, I conclude that Muslims in these jurisdictions are receiving some accommodation, but the process is slow and partial. This thesis makes important theoretical and empirical contributions to the discussion of Muslim integration in liberal democratic states. First, a framework has yet to be developed that considers the theoretical implications of institutional accommodation of Muslims; I address this gap. Second, this research demonstrates the utility of historical institutionalism in explaining the adaptation of church-state templates to accommodate Muslims’ demands. Last, this study makes an original contribution by comparing the cases of England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec in the accommodation of Muslims in education. A comparison of Canada with the United Kingdom has not yet been done.  

Measuring the Diversity and the Integration of Film Production in Mercosur: A Social Network Analysis

Based on an original and comprehensive database of all feature fiction films produced in Mercosur between 2004 and 2012, the paper analyses whether the Mercosur film industry has evolved towards an integrated and culturally more diverse market. It provides a summary of policy opportunities in terms of integration and diversity, emphasizing the limiter role played by regional policies. It then shows that although the Mercosur film industry remains rather disintegrated, it tends to become more integrated and culturally more diverse. From a methodological point of view, the combination of Social Network Analysis and the Stirling Model opens up interesting research tracks to analyse creative industries in terms of their market integration and their cultural diversity.

Market reforms and privatisation in the English National Health Service

The article examines developments in the marketisation and privatisation of the English National Health Service, primarily since 1997. It explores the use of competition and contracting out in ancillary services and the levering into public services of private finance for capital developments through the Private Finance Initiative. A substantial part of the article examines the repeated restructuring of the health service as a market in clinical services, initially as an internal market but subsequently as a market increasing opened up to private sector involvement. Some of the implications of market processes for NHS staff and for increased privatisation are discussed. The article examines one episode of popular resistance to these developments, namely the movement of opposition to the 2011 health and social care legislative proposals. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these system reforms for the founding principles of the NHS and the sustainability of the service.