968 resultados para Political connection
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Editorial
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The principal objective of this paper is to identify the relationship between the results of the Canadian policies implemented to protect female workers against the impact of globalization on the garment industry and the institutional setting in which this labour market is immersed in Winnipeg. This research paper begins with a brief summary of the institutional theory approach that sheds light on the analysis of the effects of institutions on the policy options to protect female workers of the Winnipeg garment industry. Next, this paper identifies the set of beliefs, formal procedures, routines, norms and conventions that characterize the institutional environment of the female workers of Winnipeg’s garment industry. Subsequently, this paper describes the impact of free trade policies on the garment industry of Winnipeg. Afterward, this paper presents an analysis of the barriers that the institutional features of the garment sector in Winnipeg can set to the successful achievement of policy options addressed to protect the female workforce of this sector. Three policy options are considered: ethical purchasing; training/retraining programs and social engagement support for garment workers; and protection of migrated workers through promoting and facilitating bonds between Canada’s trade unions and trade unions of the labour sending countries. Finally, this paper concludes that the formation of isolated cultural groups inside of factories; the belief that there is gender and race discrimination on the part of the garment industry management against workers; the powerless social conditions of immigrant women; the economic rationality of garment factories’ managers; and the lack of political will on the part of Canada and the labour sending countries to set effective bilateral agreements to protect migrate workers, are the principal barriers that divide the actors involved in the garment industry in Winnipeg. This division among the principal actors of Winnipeg’s garment industry impedes the change toward more efficient institutions and, hence, the successful achievement of policy options addressed to protect women workers.
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This article describes the housing policies displayed historically in B.A. that affected the processes of configuration and of giving hierarchy to the urban space. Since the process of modernization of B.A., at the end of the XIXth century, housing measures, urbanistic projects and political decisions have influenced the building of the city and the space distribution of their inhabitants: in this way, they have integrated some people and excluded others. No wonder, that, historically, popular sectors have established themselves in the South of the city (and in outskirt villages). These zones have been disregarded by the state, which has invested less in these areas. We will see how the connection between state housing policies and the population redistribution in the city, confirms the persistence of a strong process of urban and residential segregation that tends to expel the inhabitants of popular sectors and to attract the ones of the middle-class and high class sectors.
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El fenómeno de las revueltas urbanas apareció en Francia a finales de los años 1970, se arraigó en la década de los 80s y experimentó en 2005 una generalización inédita. Se desarrolla localmente desde esta fecha. Con algunas excepciones, se desata en la mayoría de los casos por la muerte de jóvenes en relación con una operación de policía. Este artículo propone una síntesis de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en Francia en los últimos años y trata de desglosar un marco de interpretación global de este fenómeno al articular sus dimensiones económicas, sociales y políticas. Este trabajo pone énfasis en los procesos de creación de guetos, en las fallas de la regulación estatal y en la ausencia de representación política de los habitantes de los barrios pobres. Finalmente, se analizan las revueltas como una « forma elemental de protesta política».
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A year away from leaving the presidency, this article analyses Lula government in light of the many corruption scandals that erupted afterwards. These events showed that despite the almost unanimous conclusion of its balance sheet, Lula government leaves a big task ahead: the political reform. Priority of the Workers’ Party during the years 1980 and 1990, and subject of many academic studies, this issue has been abandoned in the 2000s, with the accession to power of Lula Da Silva. This paper evaluates the state-of-the-art on this matter and defends the need for further consideration in light of current events, and in a broader theoretical perspective than the institutional engineering one that prevailed earlier.
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This study traces the origins of Mexican paramilitary groups and argues that, contrary to what most of the literature on the subject implies, they do not represent a state strategy to thwart leftist groups seeking social change. Rather, they represent battles between groups of national and local-level elites with different visions of democracy and of what constitutes good governance. The polarization inherent in this type of conflict leads local actors to have to side with one faction of elites or the other. The presence of radical leftist groups in recently colonized indigenous areas with scant state presence gives rise to a process of radicalization among local elites. There are multiple factors that explain the emergence of paramilitary groups. Aside from the post Cold War international context, there were national factors like a shift in its focus away from security matters between 1989 and 1993, and presidential policies between 1968 and 1993, that planted the seeds of leftist radicalism in a context of id modernization
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This paper analyzes and describes the relationship between nonviolence and civil disobedience, stressing that both of them converge on the same ethical foundation and are an expression of the relationship between citizens and the political power. The paper begins with a presentation of nonviolence Mahatma Gandhi´s work, and continues then conceptualizing nonviolence as a political thought, with a epistemology and an action. Finally, traces a connection between nonviolence and civil disobedience that goes beyond the purely instrumental relationship that usually identifies the link between these. Thus, beyond their differences both nonviolence and civil desobedience, concur in essence, that is, in the ethical principles that support and legitimize them as actions and political expressions.
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This article attempts to assess the implications and the own character of the crisis of representation in Mexico. Once the topic framed and the long-term dynamics of Mexican political elites presented, this paper will attempt to understand why, despite the pluralization of the party system, there remain many questions about the truly democratic nature of the Mexican political system.
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La presente monografía busca establecer una conexión argumentada entre la expedición de la ley 200 de 1936 y la creación de Autodefensas Campesinas en la primera mitad del siglo XX en Colombia. Se buscan las razones estructurales por las cuales la sociedad rural se vio abocada a impulsar agrupaciones armadas para defender sus derechos fundamentales, debido a que el Estado demostró ser incapaz de protegerlos mientras que el odio entre clases rurales aumentó conforme se implementaba el capitalismo agrario en el país. Desde la Teoría del Conflicto de Clases Rurales de Jeffery Paige, se explicará la forma en la que se articulan las variables que no permiten una revolución social, pero si propician la aparición de este tipo de grupos campesinos armados e ilegales; que luego se transformarían en “Guerrillas”.
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El interés de esta investigación es analizar los cambios en las políticas migratorias de Italia y Libia a partir del Tratado de amistad y cooperación firmado en 2008. Utilizando el concepto de securitización de Barry Buzan, se explican cuáles fueron las principales motivaciones para que ambos Estados tomaran la decisión de endurecer sus políticas migratorias para hacerle frente a la migración irregular. La securitización del tema de la migración se convirtió en el mecanismo principal del gobierno italiano para justificar el incumplimiento de acuerdos internacionales, dejando en un segundo plano la protecciónde los Derechos Humanos. Esta situación trae consigo altos costos humanitarios y pone en evidencia cómo Italia y Libia están tratando las nuevas amenazas como lo es la migración irregular en esta región.
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El presente trabajo de investigación tiene como objetivo identificar el papel que tuvo el Fondo Monetario Internacional [FMI] en el cambio de la imagen del Estado argentino después de la crisis financiera que estalló en el 2001. Como consecuencia de la declaración de default por parte del gobierno argentino se da un cambio en la imagen financiera del país, influenciada por el FMI, que convierte a Argentina en un paria internacional en temas financieros y comerciales alejándolo de los mercados internacionales. Este estudio de caso tendrá un acercamiento cualitativo dado que se analizarán las características, actuaciones y las bases crean el lazo entre las variables de la crisis financiera y el rol del FMI en Argentina y así poder entender su relación.
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What is the relationship between the type of training combatants receive upon recruitment into an armed group and their propensity to abuse civilians in civil war? Does military training or political training prevent or exacerbate the victimization of civilians by armed non-state actors? While the literature on civilian victimization has expanded rapidly, few studies have examined the correlation between abuse of civilians and the modes of training that illegal armed actors receive. Using a simple formal model, we develop hypotheses regarding this connection and argue that while military training should not decrease the probability that a combatant engages in civilian abuse, political training should. We test these hypotheses using a new survey consisting of a representative sample of approximately 1,500 demobilized combatants from the Colombian conflict, which we match with department-level data on civilian casualties. The empirical analysis confirms our hypotheses about the connection between training and civilian abuse and the results are robust to adding a full set of controls both at the department and at the individual level
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This paper proposes a political economy explanation of bailouts to declining industries. A model of probabilistic voting is developed, in which two candidates compete for the vote of two groups of the society through tactical redistribution. We allow politicians to have core support groups they understand better, this implies politicians are more or less effective to deliver favors to some groups. This setting is suited to reproduce pork barrels or machine politics and patronage. We use this model to illustrate the case of an economy with both an efficient industry and a declining one, in which workers elect their government. We present the conditions under which the political process ends up with the lagged-behind industry being allowed to survive.
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Empezando con Chile a comienzos de 1980, los países de América Latina han profundizado la reforma a las telecomunicaciones para crear un entorno regulatorio que incentive la inversión privada, en particular la inversión extranjera. En este artículo, trabajo las tendencias regulatorias en el sector telecomunicaciones de 24 países latinoamericanos y del caribe durante el período 1980-1997 y construyo un índice basado en : autonomía, rendición de cuentas, claridad de las funciones y objetivos, transparencia y participación, y el tipo de mandato legal que crea el ente regulador. El índice muestra que, en promedio, la mayoría de los países llevaron a cabo fuertes reformas regulatorias en la dirección sugerida por expertos e investigadores. El índice también se correlación bien con varias variables políticas, de riesgo, económicas y de telecomunicaciones.
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El artículo busca encontrar evidencia empírica de los determinantes de la salud, como una medición de capital salud en un país en desarrollo después de una profunda reforma en el sector salud. Siguiendo el modelo de Grossman (1972) y tomando factores institucionales, además de las variables individuales y socioeconómicas. Se usaron las encuestas de 1997 y 2000 donde se responde subjetivamente sobre el estado de salud y tipo de afiliación al sistema de salud. El proceso de estimación usado es un probit ordenado. Los resultados muestran una importante conexión entre las variables individuales, institucionales y socioeconómicas con el estado de salud. El efecto de tipo de acceso al sistema de salud presiona las inequidades en salud.