936 resultados para Election officials
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In Taita Hills, south-eastern Kenya, remnants of indigenous mountain rainforests play a crucial role as water towers and socio-cultural sites. They are pressurized due to poverty, shortage of cultivable land and the fading of traditional knowledge. This study examines the traditional ecological knowledge of Taitas and the ways it may be applied within transforming natural resource management regimes. I have analyzed some justifications for and hindrances to ethnodevelopment and participatory forest management in light of recently renewed Kenyan forest policies. Mixed methods were applied by combining an ethnographic approach with participatory GIS. I learned about traditionally protected forests and their ecological and cultural status through a seek out the expert method and with remote sensing data and tools. My informants were: 107 household interviewees, 257 focus group participants, 73 key informants and 87 common informants in participatory mapping. Religious leaders and state officials shared their knowledge for this study. I have gained a better understanding of the traditionally protected forests and sites through examining their ecological characteristics and relation to social dynamics, by evaluating their strengths and hindrances as sites for conservation of cultural and biological diversity. My results show that, these sites are important components of a complex socio-ecological system, which has symbolical status and sacred and mystical elements within it, that contributes to the connectivity of remnant forests in the agroforestry dominated landscape. Altogether, 255 plant species and 220 uses were recognized by the tradition experts, whereas 161 species with 108 beneficial uses were listed by farmers. Out of the traditionally protected forests studied 47 % were on private land and 23% on community land, leaving 9% within state forest reserves. A paradigm shift in conservation is needed; the conservation area approach is not functional for private lands or areas trusted upon communities. The role of traditionally protected forests in community-based forest management is, however, paradoxal, since communal approaches suggests equal participation of people, whereas management of these sites has traditionally been the duty of solely accredited experts in the village. As modernization has gathered pace such experts have become fewer. Sacredness clearly contributes but, it does not equal conservation. Various social, political and economic arrangements further affect the integrity of traditionally protected forests and sites, control of witchcraft being one of them. My results suggest that the Taita have a rich traditional ecological knowledge base, which should be more determinately integrated into the natural resource management planning processes.
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This study aims at identifying the existing and potential resources, as well as recognizing the hinderances, for community-based ecotourism development in the Taita Hills in south-eastern Kenya. The indigenous mountain rain forests on the hills are rich in biodiversity, but severely degraded because of encroachment caused by the dynamics of increased population, socio-politics and economics. The research problems are based on the hypothesis that there is no tourism in the Taita Hills generating income for the local economy and high population density combined with poverty creates a need for alternative employment opportunities as well as for sustainable ways of forest resource management. The data for this study was gathered during two field trips in Kenya, in January-February 2004 and 2005, as a part of the Taita Project within the Department of Geography at the University of Helsinki. The qualitative methods used consist of RRA and PRA techniques, in-depth interviews, a structured questionnaire and literature analysis as well as attendance on excursions and a workshop with conservation experts and officials. Four case areas in the Taita Hills are studied. The study concludes that alternative livelihoods are needed among the Taita Hills´ rural population and community-based ecotourism is seen as a way of bringing financial benefits for households as well as reviving the fading cultural traditions and indigenous knowledge about forest use. The governmental policies, district level development plans and some NGOs support ecotourism development. The Forest Act 2005 forms base for local participation in forest management. The unique natural features, the welcoming Taita-culture and the location in the coastal tourism circle favour Taita Hills. However, this kind of development has its risks, such as too rapid change of sorest usage level and the exposure of communities to an ecotourism treadmill process. The costbenefit ration of marketing for hard ecotourists is generally low and the tourism infrastructure needs upgrading in the Taita Hills. More tight collaboration is important between the different level stakeholders working for conservation and development. Community-based ecotourism in Taita Hills, when carefully planned and managed, could be one opportunity for Kenya to diversify its tourism product supply and for forestadjacent communities to gain tangible benefits on a sustainable basis from forests.
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Many Finnish municipalities need to control their growth. In this research growth is understood as developments of land utilisation and also as a wide range of other changes that have mainly ap-peared as a result of a long term growth in population. The development growth control contains four areas: 1. adequate productivity of town planning, 2. stationing the growth to needs led and for sustainable developments, 3. quality of the developing environment, and 4. producing growth with communicative and transparent process. The aim of the research is to represent connection between town planning and development growth control. Research defines the role of town planning in the municipalities development growth control. In addition research focuses on links between town planning and development growth control in history, present and in the development work for the future. According to the hypothesis the extensive examination of town planning enables better growth control and promotes appropriate response to municipal changes regarding housing delivery. As an example there are five outskirt municipalities in the Helsinki region. They are called Kirkkonummi, Vihti, Nurmijärvi, Tuusula and Sipoo. The decision was to use examples based on a contingence theory. According to the theory there is no one correct way to operate. Therefore development should be based on individual municipal needs. In the research, municipality s needs were collected by 20 semi- structured interviews from municipal officials. In addition there were group interviews in Uusimaa Regional Council and in Uusimaa Regional Environmental Centre. There was also secondary material collected from official papers and statistics. Operationalisation was the analysis tool between empiric and literature reviews. The role of town planning has evolved during the 20th century from a more simple town plan level to operative stage in town planning hierarchy. Outskirt municipalities town planning was established during the 1960s. Since then one of the most important aims in the town planning has been to produce growth and building possibilities. Currently the challenge is to reach the satisfying rate of productivity and to meet increased housing demand. Other challenges include locating the appropriate geographical areas for growth; and the balance between required developments and planning permission decisions. Findings concluded that town planning should be more viable and it should have better ability to co-operate and operate in the changing operational environment. Municipality s ability to receive growth can increase and growth control can advance by planned and workable town planning. It is essential to take wide perspective of the each municipality's unique needs to improve productivity rather than to focus simply on productivity.
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The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.
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Pro gradu-tutkielma tutkii demokratian ja turvallisuuden paradoksia Pakistanissa esitellen kuusi tekijää, jotka vaikuttavat kyseiseen paradoksiin. Näitä tekijöitä ovat historiallinen kehitys; eliittihallinto; taloudellinen kehitys; Pakistanin poliittisten tekijöiden demokratian eri määritelmät; opetuksen puuttuminen; ja valtataistelu hallituksen, armeijan, tiedustelupalvelun, oikeusjärjestelmän, poliittisten puolueiden sekä eri heimojen, uskonnollisten ja etnisten ryhmien välillä. Tutkimus tarkastelee myös sitä miten nämä tekijät vaikuttavat demokratian kehitykseen Pakistanissa. Keskeinen argumentti on, että länsimainen demokratia ei esiinny eikä toimi Pakistanissa vallitsevissa oloissa, etenkin historiallisen kehityksen ja ulkoisen turvallisuuden takia. Pro gradu-tutkielma käyttää sekundäärisiä lähteitä, kuten kirjoja, artikkeleita, maaraportteja, kommentaareja sekä omiin kokemuksiin perustuvia havaintoja Pakistanin matkalta 2010-2011. Keskeiset teoriat gradussa ovat Guillermo O’ Donnelin delegaattidemokratia sekä Duncan McCargon eliittihallintoteoria, jotka yhdessä selittävät historiallista kehitystä ja eliittihallinnon dynamiikkaa, mitkä johtavat paradoksiin. Kautta historian armeija on hallinnut Pakistania, ja siviilihallinto on ainoastaan neljä kertaa onnistunut olemaan vallassa, mutta silloinkin siviilihallinto päättyi korruptioväitteisiin tai armeijan vallankaappaukseen. Armeijahallinnoille on luonteenomaista hyvät suhteet USA:n, positiivinen taloudellinen kehitys ja vakaus, kun taas siviilihallinnot ovat epävakaita ja korruptoituneita. Tämä kehitys on paradoksin tausta, joka rakentuu turvallisuuspoliittisen tilanteen pohjalle eli hallitusten ja muiden tekijöiden yritykseen löytää vastapaino Intian uhalle. Tämä on ollut keskeinen huoli kelle tahansa poliittiselle päättäjälle itsenäisyydestä lähtien. Loputon valtataistelu eri poliittisten tekijöiden kesken sekä eliittihallinto pitävät yllä paradoksia, koska eliitit ovat kiinnostuneempia oman valtansa säilyttämisestä kuin kansan tahdon huomioonottamisesta. Koska valtaosa ihmisistä ei ole koulutettuja, he ovat paljolti kiinnostuneita omasta selviytymisestään, ja tämän takia sekä kansa että eliitit suosivat armeijahallintoa, koska se tuo vakautta ja taloudellista kehitystä. Sen vuoksi vallitsevissa oloissa demokratian tulevaisuus Pakistanissa näyttää huonolta, koska liberaalidemokratian vaatimukset eivät täyty puoliksi vapaan oikeussysteemin, puoliksi vapaan lehdistön, valtavan korruption ja monien ihmisoikeusloukkauksien takia unohtamatta armeijan ja tiedustelupalvelun sekaantumista siviilihallintoon.
Resumo:
The thesis aims at analyzing concept of citizenship in political philosophy. The concept of citizenship is a complex one: it does not have a definitive explication, but it nevertheless is a very important category in contemporary world. Citizenship is a powerful ideal, and often the way a person is treated depends on whether he or she has the status of a citizen. Citizenship includes protection of a person’s rights both at home and abroad. It entails legal, political and social dimension: the legal status as a full member of society, the recognition of that status by fellow citizens and acting as a member of society. The thesis discusses these three dimensions. Its objective is to show how all of them, despite being insufficient in some aspects, reach something important about the concept. The main sources of the thesis are Civic Republicanism by Iseult Honohan (Routledge 2002), Republicanism by Philip Pettit (Clarendon Press 1997), and Taking Rights Seriously by Ronald Dworkin (1997). In addition, the historical part of the thesis relies mainly on the works of Aristotle, Immanuel Kant, Adam Smith, Quentin Skinner, James Pocock and James Tully. The writings of Will Kymlicka, John Rawls, Chantal Mouffe, and Shane Phelan are referred to in the presentation and critique of the liberal tradition of thought. Hannah Arendt and Seyla Benhabib’s analysis of Arendt’s philosophy both address the problematic relations between human rights and nation-states as the main guarantors of rights. The chapter on group rights relies on Peter Jones’ account of corporate and collective rights, after which I continue to Seumas Miller’s essay on the (liberal) account of group rights and their relation to the concept of citizenship. Republicanism and Political Theory (2002) edited by Cécile Laborde and John Maynor is also references. David Miller and Maurizio Viroli represent the more “rooted” version of republicanism. The thesis argues that the full concept of citizenship should be seen as containing legal, political and social dimensions. The concept can be viewed from all of these three angles. The first means that citizenship is connected with certain rights, like the right to vote or stand for election, the right to property and so on. In most societies, the law guarantees these rights to every citizen. Then there is also the social dimension, which can be said to be as important as the legal one: the recognition of equality and identities of others. Finally, there is the political dimension, meaning the importance of citizens’ participation in the society, which is discussed in connection with the contemporary account of republicanism. All these issues are discussed from the point of view of groups demanding for group-specific rights and equal recognition. The challenge with these three aspects of citizenship is, however, that they are difficult to discuss under one heading. Different theories or discourses of citizenship each approach the subject from different starting points, which make reconciling them sometimes hard. The fundamental questions theories try to answer may differ radically depending on the theory. Nevertheless, in order to get the whole image of what the citizenship discourses are about all the aspects deserve to be taken into account.
Role of Li+ ions in corrosion behaviour of 8090 Al-Li alloy and aluminium in pH 12 aqueous solutions
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The influence of Li+ ions on the corrosion behaviour of the Al-Li alloy 8090-T851 and of commercially pure aluminium in aqueous solutions at pH 12 was studied by weight loss and electrochemical polarisation methods. The inhibiting role of Li+ was concentration dependent, corrosion rate decreasing lineally with log[Li+] in the concentration range 10(-4)-10(-1) mol L(-1). A change from general to pitting corrosion was evident from scanning election microscopy studies. Polarisation studies revealed that Li+ primarily acts as an anodic inhibitor (passivator). Passive film formation and stability also become more feasible with increasing Li+ concentration. Fitting potential was dependent on the Cl- ion concentration in the solution. Both materials were affected similarly by the presence of Li+ ions, the corrosion rate of the alloy being slightly lower. This is attributed to the lithium in the alloy acting as a source of lithium for passive film formation. (C) 1995 The Institute of Materials.
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Landslides are hazards encountered during monsoon in undulating terrains of Western Ghats causing geomorphic make over of earth surface resulting in significant damages to life and property. An attempt is made in this paper to identify landslides susceptibility regions in the Sharavathi river basin downstream using frequency ratio method based on the field investigations during July- November 2007. In this regard, base layers of spatial data such as topography, land cover, geology and soil were considered. This is supplemented with the field investigations of landslides. Factors that influence landslide were extracted from the spatial database. The probabilistic model -frequency ratio is computed based on these factors. Landslide susceptibility indices were computed and grouped into five classes. Validation of LHS, showed an accuracy of 89% as 25 of the 28 regions tallied with the field condition of highly vulnerable landslide regions. The landslide susceptible map generated for the downstream would be useful for the district officials to implement appropriate mitigation measures to reduce hazards.
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Information spreading in a population can be modeled as an epidemic. Campaigners (e.g., election campaign managers, companies marketing products or movies) are interested in spreading a message by a given deadline, using limited resources. In this paper, we formulate the above situation as an optimal control problem and the solution (using Pontryagin's Maximum Principle) prescribes an optimal resource allocation over the time of the campaign. We consider two different scenarios-in the first, the campaigner can adjust a direct control (over time) which allows her to recruit individuals from the population (at some cost) to act as spreaders for the Susceptible-Infected-Susceptible (SIS) epidemic model. In the second case, we allow the campaigner to adjust the effective spreading rate by incentivizing the infected in the Susceptible-Infected-Recovered (SIR) model, in addition to the direct recruitment. We consider time varying information spreading rate in our formulation to model the changing interest level of individuals in the campaign, as the deadline is reached. In both the cases, we show the existence of a solution and its uniqueness for sufficiently small campaign deadlines. For the fixed spreading rate, we show the effectiveness of the optimal control strategy against the constant control strategy, a heuristic control strategy and no control. We show the sensitivity of the optimal control to the spreading rate profile when it is time varying. (C) 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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We model the spread of information in a homogeneously mixed population using the Maki Thompson rumor model. We formulate an optimal control problem, from the perspective of single campaigner, to maximize the spread of information when the campaign budget is fixed. Control signals, such as advertising in the mass media, attempt to convert ignorants and stiflers into spreaders. We show the existence of a solution to the optimal control problem when the campaigning incurs non-linear costs under the isoperimetric budget constraint. The solution employs Pontryagin's Minimum Principle and a modified version of forward backward sweep technique for numerical computation to accommodate the isoperimetric budget constraint. The techniques developed in this paper are general and can be applied to similar optimal control problems in other areas. We have allowed the spreading rate of the information epidemic to vary over the campaign duration to model practical situations when the interest level of the population in the subject of the campaign changes with time. The shape of the optimal control signal is studied for different model parameters and spreading rate profiles. We have also studied the variation of the optimal campaigning costs with respect to various model parameters. Results indicate that, for some model parameters, significant improvements can be achieved by the optimal strategy compared to the static control strategy. The static strategy respects the same budget constraint as the optimal strategy and has a constant value throughout the campaign horizon. This work finds application in election and social awareness campaigns, product advertising, movie promotion and crowdfunding campaigns. (C) 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Resumen: Cuando los medios se refieren a los candidatos políticos en una situación de campaña electoral proyectan una cierta imagen de los mismos a partir de las verbalizaciones que preponderan en los mensajes informativos. El presente trabajo analiza estas verbalizaciones de los medios en el marco de la teoría de la Agenda Setting, más específicamente en el segundo nivel de esta teoría, la cual hace referencia a los atributos o aspectos que caracterizan a los protagonistas de las noticias, para este estudio en particular, los políticos. Esta teoría fue puesta a prueba repetidamente desde su aplicación en las elecciones estadounidenses de 1968 de la mano de sus autores Maxwell McCombs y Donald Shaw. La misma se ha extendido con paso firme desde su país de origen hacia otras latitudes. El objetivo general es describir la imagen de los candidatos presidenciales a partir de las expresiones que preponderan en los medios masivos de comunicación, durante la campaña presidencial en Argentina ocurrida en octubre de 2011. El procedimiento consiste en el relevamiento realizado durante los meses anteriores a las elecciones presidenciales. Para ello fue necesario armar un corpus compuesto por la selección de los medios masivos de comunicación a analizar. Seguidamente se realiza el análisis de contenido del corpus y se procede al análisis de los datos, de ello deriva una base de datos, donde la unidad de análisis fue la mención de los diversos aspectos o características de los candidatos políticos. Los aspectos o características fueron tomados de investigaciones anteriores que aplicaron la misma metodología y que fueron realizadas en nuestro país también en situaciones de contextos electorales. Por ello es factible de efectuar comparaciones en el tiempo, ya que una de las enormes riquezas de la teoría de la Agenda Setting es la de ser susceptible de comparación por tratarse de una metodología de análisis sistemático. La revisión de la teoría de la Agenda Setting que enmarca esta investigación pretende introducirnos primeramente en las investigaciones de medios masivos en general para luego focalizar en la teoría propiamente dicha y más aún en el segundo nivel de la teoría que trata de los atributos de los personajes públicos Se realiza posteriormente una breve sinopsis de investigaciones en Latinoamérica y Argentina, sobre temas relacionados con campañas electorales y no electorales para finalmente de manera concatenada dar cuenta de trabajos realizados en nuestro país en situaciones de campañas políticas
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Resumen: En la carrera por obtener la corona de Aragón, que ha quedado vacante, el Infante don Fernando de Castilla se enfrenta a cinco contrincantes con las mismas expectativas. Luego de un lapso de dos años de Interregno y de confrontación en todos los frentes, el parlamentario, el militar, el económico y hasta el religioso, el Infante es elegido como nuevo monarca en el Compromiso de Caspe. Si durante el proceso electivo las relaciones habían sido de pura competencia, luego del mismo los conflictos continúan, en especial con uno de los candidatos, el Conde de Urgel. Este artículo tiene como objetivo describir este conflicto, como un proceso vivo que se transforma, adquiere nuevas dimensiones, involucra a otras partes, con intervenciones de terceros conciliadores e infructuosas negociaciones para dar una solución a esta disputa, que finalmente se define a través de la lucha armada.
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Resumen: El Concilio de Constanza (1414-1418) fue la instancia definitiva de solución del Cisma de Occidente. Sus decisiones condujeron
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La Guerra de la Independencia, según la denominación tradicional de la historiografía española o The Peninsular Wars, como se suele denominar ese acontecimiento por los historiadores de habla inglesa, se perfila como uno de esos momentos en que las relaciones hispano-británicas adquieren una intensidad especial. De esa colaboración, de ese acto de comunicación intensa entre combatientes de un mismo enemigo, surgen unas manifestaciones literarias y muchos más relatos y diarios escritos por oficiales e incluso simples soldados del ejército de su majestad que contienen todo un tesoro de anécdotas, descripciones, y, principalmente, valoraciones dignas de analizar y hasta de disfrutar. Se trata, en este caso, de una recopilación de vivencias muy personales, en la mayoría de las ocasiones muy dolorosas, como cabría esperar de una guerra, y que a menudo ofrecen juicios y opiniones de España y Portugal que revelan una actitud paternalista y crítica.
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La identificación del candidato con un producto comercial ha dado origen a una resistencia de parte de los partidos de marcada tradición ideológica y de variados ambientes culturales que ven en, lo que se ha denominado, la comercialización de la política y de las campañas un peligro para el proceso democrático. Encontramos que más allá de identificar a un candidato con un jabón, las técnicas utilizadas para elaborar los mensajes políticos no pueden ser minusvaloradas porque se utilicen en el campo comercial, sino que lo importante es establecer y respetar los contenidos de cada ámbito. Sin zanjar la cuestión, sobre el impacto que los medios de comunicación tienen en la vida democrática, este estudio intenta señalar que la personalización es parte esencial del proceso de comunicación política que genera cualquier campaña electoral. Para ello describe los factores que intervienen en la construcción del mensaje personalizado. Estudio este que debe abordarse teniendo en cuenta que el nuevo formato, a través del cual se trasmiten los mensajes políticos, es mediático y esencialmente audiovisual.