896 resultados para National public policy conferences
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The main purpose of this thesis was to analyze educational management of Municipal Departments of Education (SEMED’s) of cities in Maranhão inserted in the Plan of Articulated Actions (2007- 2011). We evidence the role of Union in that public policy. The leading argument is that Brazilian federal government is not demos constraining in relation to its national sub-governments, what makes the central government to enforce, primarily, educational politics like PAR. This kind of politics interferes in the educational management by national sub-governments, turning them into mere executors. By turning them into mere executors, PAR limits their autonomy and over imposes the results-based management as a parameter to improve the education quality. In order to develop the hypothesis, we adopted Political Science as theoretical basis, represented by Federalism Theory as pact which premise is the cooperative pattern of federalism as being the best form of government because it allows a joint decision-making process from the idea of no centralization of power. The methodology was historical materialism, which assumes the totality and contradiction as a form to understand the phenomenon that does not express in direct way its existence, but can be analyzed from such categories that made possible to interpret the reality. So, we used as tools the semistructured interview and documental analyses with triangulation of data. The empirical basis of the research is 04 (four) cities in Maranhão that obey the following criteria: 1. The municipality has to be assigned on the FNDE Resolution nº 29/2007; 2. To present the lowest educational management indexes from the diagnosis made in loco by PAR; 3. To present the lowest financial management indexes based on the diagnosis in loco by PAR. The results suggest that PAR does not effect a resultbased management which are proposed in its legal rules neither the SEMEDs can propose their conception of educational management. That situation creates a hybridism that sometimes turns to managerialism and performativity, sometimes to bureaucracy, sometimes to a total uncoordinated and unarticulated action. In relation to SEMEDs management, this thesis shows that these institutions have no own conception about educational management and end up acting in an uncoordinated and unarticulated way. The thesis concludes that PAR is an over imposition by federal government towards national sub-governments that conflicts with management patterns of those institutions that are used to a less managerial logic. This over imposition makes the Central government to be the center of Brazilian federalism, which is in reality an incomplete pact.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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In this dissertation, I explore the impact of several public policies on civic participation. Using a unique combination of school administrative and public–use voter files and methods for causal inference, I evaluate the impact of three new, as of yet unexplored, policies: one informational, one institutional, and one skill–based. Chapter 2 examines the causal effect of No Child Left Behind’s performance-based accountability school failure signals on turnout in school board elections and on individuals’ use of exit. I find that failure signals mobilize citizens both at the ballot box and by encouraging them to vote with their feet. However, these increases in voice and exit come primarily from citizens who already active—thus exacerbating inequalities in both forms of participation. Chapter 3 examines the causal effect of preregistration—an electoral reform that allows young citizens to enroll in the electoral system before turning 18, while also providing them with various in-school supports. Using data from the Current Population Survey and Florida Voter Files and multiple methods for causal inference, I (with my coauthor listed below) show that preregistration mobilizes and does so for a diverse set of citizens. Finally, Chapter 4 examines the impact of psychosocial or so called non-cognitive skills on voter turnout. Using information from the Fast Track intervention, I show that early– childhood investments in psychosocial skills have large, long-run spillovers on civic participation. These gains are widely distributed, being especially large for those least likely to participate. These chapters provide clear insights that reach across disciplinary boundaries and speak to current policy debates. In placing specific attention not only on whether these programs mobilize, but also on who they mobilize, I provide scholars and practitioners with new ways of thinking about how to address stubbornly low and unequal rates of citizen engagement.
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The HIV epidemic in the United States continues to be a significant public health problem, with approximately 50,000 new infections occurring each year. National public health priorities have shifted in recent years towards targeted HIV prevention efforts among people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) that include: increasing engagement in and retention in care, improving HIV treatment adherence, and increasing screening for and treatment of substance use and psychological difficulties. This study evaluated the efficacy of Positive Choices (PC), a brief, care-based, theory-driven, 3-session counseling intervention for newly HIV-diagnosed men who have sex with men (MSM), in the context of current national HIV prevention priorities. The study involved secondary analysis of data from a preliminary efficacy trial of the PC intervention (n=102). Descriptive statistics examined baseline substance use, psychological characteristics and strategies, and care engagement and HIV-related biological outcomes. Generalized Estimating Equations (GEE) examined longitudinal changes in these variables by study condition. Results indicated that PC improved adherence to HIV treatment, but increased use of illicit drugs, specifically amyl nitrates and other stimulant drugs; additionally, moderation analyses indicated differences in patterns of change over time in viral load by baseline depression status. Implications of the findings and suggestions for future research are discussed.
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The environment affects our health, livelihoods, and the social and political institutions within which we interact. Indeed, nearly a quarter of the global disease burden is attributed to environmental factors, and many of these factors are exacerbated by global climate change. Thus, the central research question of this dissertation is: How do people cope with and adapt to uncertainty, complexity, and change of environmental and health conditions? Specifically, I ask how institutional factors, risk aversion, and behaviors affect environmental health outcomes. I further assess the role of social capital in climate adaptation, and specifically compare individual and collective adaptation. I then analyze how policy develops accounting for both adaptation to the effects of climate and mitigation of climate-changing emissions. In order to empirically test the relationships between these variables at multiple levels, I combine multiple methods, including semi-structured interviews, surveys, and field experiments, along with health and water quality data. This dissertation uses the case of Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous nation, which has a large rural population and is considered very vulnerable to climate change. My fieldwork included interviews and institutional data collection at the national level, and a three-year study (2012-2014) of approximately 400 households in 20 villages in the Ethiopian Rift Valley. I evaluate the theoretical relationships between households, communities, and government in the process of adaptation to environmental stresses. Through my analyses, I demonstrate that water source choice varies by individual risk aversion and institutional context, which ultimately has implications for environmental health outcomes. I show that qualitative measures of trust predict cooperation in adaptation, consistent with social capital theory, but that measures of trust are negatively related with private adaptation by the individual. Finally, I describe how Ethiopia had some unique characteristics, significantly reinforced by international actors, that led to the development of an extensive climate policy, and yet with some challenges remaining for implementation. These results suggest a potential for adaptation through the interactions among individuals, communities, and government in the search for transformative processes when confronting environmental threats and climate change.
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This dissertation seeks to explain the role of governmental and non-governmental actors in increasing/reducing the emergence of intergroup conflict after war, when group differences have been a salient aspect of group mobilization. This question emerges from several interrelated branches of scholarship on self-enforcing institutions and power-sharing arrangements, group fragmentation and demographic change, collective mobilization for collectively-targeted violence, and conflict termination and the post-conflict quality of peace. This question is investigated through quantitative analyses performed at the sub-national, national, and cross-national level on the effect of elite competition on the likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference after war. These quantitative analyses are each accompanied by qualitative, case study analyses drawn from the American Reconstruction South, Iraq, and Cote d'Ivoire that illustrate and clarify the mechanisms evaluated through quantitative analysis.
Shared findings suggest the correlation of reduced political competition with the increased likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference. Separate findings shed light on how covariates related to control over rent extraction and armed forces, decentralization, and citizenship can lead to a reduction in violence. However, these same quantitative analyses and case study analysis suggest that the control of the state can be perceived as a threat after the end of conflict. Further, together these findings suggest the political nature of violence committed on the basis of group difference as opposed to ethnic identity or resource scarcity alone.
Together, these combined analyses shed light on how and why political identities are formed and mobilized for the purpose of committing political violence after war. In this sense, they shed light on the factors that constrain post-conflict violence in deeply divided societies, and contribute to relevant academic, policy, and normative questions.
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Protecting public health is the most legitimate use of zoning, and yet there is minimal progress in applying it to the obesity problem. Zoning could potentially be used to address both unhealthy and healthy food retailers, but lack of evidence regarding the impact of zoning and public opinion on zoning changes are barriers to implementing zoning restrictions on fast food on a larger scale. My dissertation addresses these gaps in our understanding of health zoning as a policy option for altering built, food environments.
Chapter 1 examines the relationship between food swamps and obesity and whether spatial mapping might be useful in identifying priority geographic areas for zoning interventions. I employ an instrumental variables (IV) strategy to correct for the endogeneity problems associated with food environments, namely that individuals may self-select into certain neighborhoods and may consider food availability in their decision process. I utilize highway exits as a source of exogenous variation .Using secondary data from the USDA Food Environment Atlas, ordinary least squares (OLS) and IV regression models were employed to analyze cross-sectional associations between local food environments and the prevalence of obesity. I find even after controlling for food desert effects, food swamps have a positive, statistically significant effect on adult obesity rates.
Chapter 2 applies theories of message framing and prospect theory to the emerging discussion around health zoning policies targeting food environments and to explore public opinion toward a list of potential zoning restrictions on fast-food restaurants (beyond moratoriums on new establishments). In order to explore causality, I employ an online survey experiment manipulating exposure to vignettes with different message frames about health zoning restrictions with two national samples of adult Americans age 18 and over (N1=2,768 and N2=3,236). The second sample oversamples Black Americans (N=1,000) and individuals with high school as their highest level of education. Respondents were randomly assigned to one of six conditions where they were primed with different message frames about the benefits of zoning restrictions on fast food retailers. Participants were then asked to indicate their support for six zoning policies on a Likert scale. Subjects also answered questions about their food store access, eating behaviors, health status and perceptions of food stores by type.
I find that a message frame about Nutrition and increasing Equity in the food system was particularly effective at increasing support for health zoning policies targeting fast food outlets across policy categories (Conditional, Youth-related, Performance and Incentive) and across racial groups. This finding is consistent with an influential environmental justice scholar’s description of “injustice frames” as effective in mobilizing supporters around environmental issues (Taylor 2000). I extend this rationale to food environment obesity prevention efforts and identify Nutrition combined with Equity frames as an arguably universal campaign strategy for bolstering public support of zoning restrictions on fast food retailers.
Bridging my findings from both Chapters 1 and 2, using food swamps as a spatial metaphor may work to identify priority areas for policy intervention, but only if there is an equitable distribution of resources and mobilization efforts to improve consumer food environments. If the structural forces which ration access to land-use planning persist (arguably including the media as gatekeepers to information and producers of message frames) disparities in obesity are likely to widen.
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Este trabajo apunta al análisis del programa denominado ProProE (Programa de Promoción de Egreso de las Carreras de Grado), como política pública, implementado en la Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata con el objetivo de acompañar hasta la graduación a los alumnos avanzados que han tenido demoras o detenimientos hacia la finalización de sus trayectorias. Se exponen los antecedentes existentes en la UNLP, las características del programa, con sus diferentes etapas, y evaluación final, el material considerado de interés para su investigación, y se desarrolla el marco teórico metodológico con el que se abordó la investigación. El estudio de las políticas universitarias como herramientas que apuntan al progreso y egreso de todos los estudiantes, sus aplicaciones y los resultados de las mismas es fundamental para comprender de qué modo las autoridades universitarias enfrentan fenómenos como el de la heterogeneización y masificación matricular. Se describe la experiencia desarrollada en la FCNyM, considerando los diferentes desempeños y vivencias vinculados a los gestores del programa, los alumnos incorporados, y los docentes que trabajaron en el mismo. Respecto a sus resultados se exponen los progresos y el objetivo futuro de rediseño y aplicación del programa considerando lo relevado en la primera experiencia de aplicación
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Este trabajo apunta al análisis del programa denominado ProProE (Programa de Promoción de Egreso de las Carreras de Grado), como política pública, implementado en la Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata con el objetivo de acompañar hasta la graduación a los alumnos avanzados que han tenido demoras o detenimientos hacia la finalización de sus trayectorias. Se exponen los antecedentes existentes en la UNLP, las características del programa, con sus diferentes etapas, y evaluación final, el material considerado de interés para su investigación, y se desarrolla el marco teórico metodológico con el que se abordó la investigación. El estudio de las políticas universitarias como herramientas que apuntan al progreso y egreso de todos los estudiantes, sus aplicaciones y los resultados de las mismas es fundamental para comprender de qué modo las autoridades universitarias enfrentan fenómenos como el de la heterogeneización y masificación matricular. Se describe la experiencia desarrollada en la FCNyM, considerando los diferentes desempeños y vivencias vinculados a los gestores del programa, los alumnos incorporados, y los docentes que trabajaron en el mismo. Respecto a sus resultados se exponen los progresos y el objetivo futuro de rediseño y aplicación del programa considerando lo relevado en la primera experiencia de aplicación
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Este trabajo apunta al análisis del programa denominado ProProE (Programa de Promoción de Egreso de las Carreras de Grado), como política pública, implementado en la Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata con el objetivo de acompañar hasta la graduación a los alumnos avanzados que han tenido demoras o detenimientos hacia la finalización de sus trayectorias. Se exponen los antecedentes existentes en la UNLP, las características del programa, con sus diferentes etapas, y evaluación final, el material considerado de interés para su investigación, y se desarrolla el marco teórico metodológico con el que se abordó la investigación. El estudio de las políticas universitarias como herramientas que apuntan al progreso y egreso de todos los estudiantes, sus aplicaciones y los resultados de las mismas es fundamental para comprender de qué modo las autoridades universitarias enfrentan fenómenos como el de la heterogeneización y masificación matricular. Se describe la experiencia desarrollada en la FCNyM, considerando los diferentes desempeños y vivencias vinculados a los gestores del programa, los alumnos incorporados, y los docentes que trabajaron en el mismo. Respecto a sus resultados se exponen los progresos y el objetivo futuro de rediseño y aplicación del programa considerando lo relevado en la primera experiencia de aplicación
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Economic policy-making has long been more integrated than social policy-making in part because the statistics and much of the analysis that supports economic policy are based on a common conceptual framework – the system of national accounts. People interested in economic analysis and economic policy share a common language of communication, one that includes both concepts and numbers. This paper examines early attempts to develop a system of social statistics that would mirror the system of national accounts, particular the work on the development of social accounts that took place mainly in the 60s and 70s. It explores the reasons why these early initiatives failed but argues that the preconditions now exist to develop a new conceptual framework to support integrated social statistics – and hence a more coherent, effective social policy. Optimism is warranted for two reasons. First, we can make use of the radical transformation that has taken place in information technology both in processing data and in providing wide access to the knowledge that can flow from the data. Second, the conditions exist to begin to shift away from the straight jacket of government-centric social statistics, with its implicit assumption that governments must be the primary actors in finding solutions to social problems. By supporting the decision-making of all the players (particularly individual citizens) who affect social trends and outcomes, we can start to move beyond the sterile, ideological discussions that have dominated much social discourse in the past and begin to build social systems and structures that evolve, almost automatically, based on empirical evidence of ‘what works best for whom’. The paper describes a Canadian approach to developing a framework, or common language, to support the evolution of an integrated, citizen-centric system of social statistics and social analysis. This language supports the traditional social policy that we have today; nothing is lost. However, it also supports a quite different social policy world, one where individual citizens and families (not governments) are seen as the central players – a more empirically-driven world that we have referred to as the ‘enabling society’.
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This paper describes and analyses the Audiovisual Technology Hub Programme (Programa Polos Audiovisuales Tecnológicos - PPAT), which has been implemented in Argentina between 2010 and 2015 as part of the public policy of former administration of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. The main goal was to promote a television industry that reflects the cultural diversity of Argentina by dividing the national territory in nine into nine audiovisual technology hubs, where national public universities acted as centres that gathered a range of regional stakeholders. Considering the 18 TV seasons that were produced for television between 2013 and 2014, the text analyses the diversity of sources and genres / subgenres and its restricted marketing. The article closes with a brief set of conclusions about this initiative.
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The aim of this paper is to analyse the state of the investigative journalism in Mexico, especially the one that is practiced at the local level in the provinces. That is, this research is based upon a case study conducted in Morelia, the capital city of the state of Michoacán. The empirical evidence will show that there is an evident divergence regarding the practice of the investigative journalism: on the one hand, journalists are aware of what this concept involves and they consider that they practice it on a regular basis; but, on the other, the content analysis prove otherwise. In other words, the account of what is actually printed significantly differs from the news workers’ perceptions, because the former shows a poorly developed journalistic investigation practice.
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This article intends to study the evolution of the European Union foreign policy in the Southern Caucasus and Central Area throughout the Post-Cold War era. The aim is to analyze Brussels’ fundamental interests and limitations in the area, the strategies it has implemented in the last few years, and the extent to which the EU has been able to undermine the regional hegemons’ traditional supremacy. As will be highlighted, the Community’s chronic weaknesses, the local determination to preserve sovereignty and an increasing international geopolitical competition undermine any European aspiration to become a pre-eminent actor at the heart of the Eurasian continent in the near future.
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Spanish tourist destinations in rural areas have been established over more than two decades of implementation of various public policy instruments (mainly tourism and rural development policies). These convey complementary objectives in theory but provoke distant results in practice. The intervention of these instruments produces in the region of Sierra de Albarracín (Teruel) two types of destination whose sustainability is committed: the historical urban site of Albarracín as a consolidated cultural tourism destination based on heritage and the Sierra as a generic and incipient destination of rural tourism. It is discussed how the deployment of the local public action causes a fragmented territory in two models of management and tourism development. Cooperation is presented as a key element for the necessary rethinking of tourism development in the region.