871 resultados para central government accounting
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Gunning, Jeroen. Hizballah and the logic of political participation, In: 'Terror, Insurgency and the State: Ending Protracted Conflicts', Heiberg, Marianne, O'Leary, Brendan & Tirman, John (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), p.157-188, 2007. RAE2008
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In July 2010, the Shanghai Donghai Bridge wind farm, the first commercial offshore wind project was connected to the main grid in China. Three months later, four contracts were handed out to build a total of 1GW wind power capacity in the first round of an offshore concession project by the Chinese central government. At that time, there was a worldwide expectation that Chinese offshore wind power capacity would expand rapidly. However, China only achieved a total offshore wind power installed capacity of 389.2 MW by the end of 2012. This paper studies the recent development of offshore wind power in China by dividing the offshore wind power projects into three categories. This paper presents the difficulties for the Chinese government to achieve its 12th Five Year Plan for offshore wind power. Some policy recommendations to overcome the current difficulties are made in the conclusions.
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In the United Kingdom (UK) the centenary commemoration of the First World War has been driven by a combination of central government direction (and funding) with a multitude of local and community initiatives, with a particular focus on 4 August 2014; 1 July 2016 (the beginning of the Battle of the Somme) and 11 November 2018. ‘National’ ceremonies on these dates have been and will be supplemented with projects commemorating micro-stories and government-funded opportunities for schoolchildren to visit Great War battlefields, the latter clearly aimed to reinforce a contemporary sense of civic and national obligation and service. This article explores the problematic nature of this approach, together with the issues raised by the multi-national nature of the UK state itself.
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Assumindo a sociedade atual o paradigma do desenvolvimento sustentável como modelo capaz de garantir uma gestão equilibrada dos recursos atuais que não comprometa o futuro das futuras gerações, é fundamental compreender o instrumento da Agenda 21 Local (A21L), ferramenta saída da Conferência do Rio, em 1992, que se apresenta como uma resposta internacional aos objetivos da sustentabilidade. Ao constituir-se como país signatário da Declaração do Rio, Portugal assumiu o compromisso de cooperar internacionalmente para a aplicação deste instrumento, no esforço comum de unir a proteção do ambiente com o desenvolvimento económico e social. Verifica-se que a resposta de Portugal, em matéria de A21L, foi pouco conseguida, marcada por um arranque ténue, desconcertado e disperso a que acresce o caráter dúbio que caracterizou a natureza dos primeiros processos e que, no quadro internacional, atira Portugal para o grupo de países europeus que mais tardiamente conseguiram responder ao apelo da comunidade internacional no que se refere à implementação de A21L. Neste âmbito, esta dissertação visa aprofundar o conhecimento cientifico sobre este instrumento no quadro das experiências de Agenda 21 Local implementadas no território português. O trabalho procurou examinar os objetivos, características e resultados dos processos de Agenda, dando atenção aos elementos individuais que marcaram cada um e, igualmente, avaliando as repercussões que estes tiveram no todo nacional. O estudo incidiu na dinâmica espaciotemporal das Agendas21L, no território nacional, e na análise integrativa de indicadores físicos, sociais e económicos que permitiram compreender as especificidades e os contrastes verificados nos processos implementados e desenvolvidos. Na investigação não foram, igualmente, negligenciadas questões históricas, políticas e culturais, sabendose da importância que estes vários domínios configuram no caso português. O trabalho contou com uma investigação assente na seguinte metodologia: i) Revisão da literatura e recolha de dados bibliográficos sobre a temática da Agenda 21 Local; ii) Levantamento de informação, através de um inquérito por questionário, dirigido a todas as localidades do País, onde decorrem Agendas 21 Local, a fim de complementar informação já processada; iii) Pesquisa direta de dados no terreno que envolveu a utilização de procedimentos de teor quantitativo (inquérito por questionário) e de teor qualitativo (entrevistas), relativamente ao caso de estudo (Agenda 21 Local de Mindelo); iv) Tratamento e análise dos resultados obtidos através da confrontação da perspetiva teórica com a prática com a consequente elaboração de conclusões fundamentadas pela confrontação dos dados com as hipóteses. Para além de se tratar do caso pioneiro de A21L com início no poder mais próximo do cidadão (respeitando um dos princípios inerentes a este instrumento – o princípio da subsidiariedade), afirmou-se, igualmente, como um caso de referência em matéria de coesão e mobilização dos cidadãos locais para os problemas locais existentes. Os resultados empíricos da investigação identificam uma série de dificuldades que condicionaram o arranque e progresso das A21L. Desde logo, a inabilidade dos poderes políticos locais em trabalharem com um modelo que rompe com as típicas e tradicionais formas pré-concebidas de fazer política, isto é, com as práticas instituídas dos políticos fazerem “política” para os cidadãos e não “com” os cidadãos. O próprio desconhecimento do poder político local quanto à natureza de um processo de A21L que evidenciou inaptidão, impreparação e até embaraço para lidar com este instrumento, resultando na necessidade, na grande maioria dos processos desenvolvidos, de serem acompanhados por entidades externas que cooperaram na sua dinamização. Acresce que a nova dinâmica, subjacente à A21L, que desafia os governos locais a mobilizar a participação generalizada dos cidadãos e apela à participação de novos atores (associações, grupos de interesse, ONG e atores sociais, em geral) para a definição de estratégias de desenvolvimento local, não é totalmente aceite pelos vários poderes locais que, não raras vezes, menosprezam a importância dos cidadãos nos momentos de tomada de decisão. A falta de empenho do governo central, em matéria de sustentabilidade, que negligenciou, numa primeira etapa, a figura do poder central na assessoria às entidades locais cerceou o país da existência de uma campanha nacional para a afirmação deste instrumento. A falta/insuficiência de recursos financeiros como resultante da ausência de apoios estatais e a dificuldade na obtenção de fundos da União Europeia configurou-se como um entrave à promoção dos processos ficando as entidades locais e regionais incapazes de ultrapassar a falta de meios imprescindíveis para o desenvolvimento da A21L. O próprio desconhecimento generalizado dos cidadãos sobre a A21L afigura-se como um estigma ao sucesso de qualquer processo com as caraterísticas de um instrumento A21L visto que a participação dos cidadãos é condição sine qua non para a sua operacionalização. Neste quadro, e olhando o futuro, urge a necessidade das autoridades locais criarem modelos de autofinanciamento capazes de garantir a criação, funcionamento e manutenção de infraestruturas económicas e sociais subjacentes aos programas de A21L, assim como o dever do poder político em reforçar a importância da função da informação e da mobilização dos cidadãos em prole do desenvolvimento sustentável, ações indispensáveis para a execução das políticas inerentes à A21L.
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Tese de mestrado, Educação (Administração e Organização Educacional), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2011
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Trabalho de projeto de mestrado, Ciências da Educação (Administração Educacional), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2013
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Relatório Final de Estágio, Mestrado em Ciências da Educação (Administração Educacional), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2014
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Dissertação de mestrado, Ciências da Educação (Administração Educacional), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2014
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The debate about the need to build social capital and to engage local communities in public policy has become a central issue in many advanced liberal societies and developing countries. In many countries new forms of governance have emerged out of a growing realisation that representative democracy by itself is no longer sufficient. One of the most significant public policy trends in the UK has been the involvement of community organisations and their members in the delivery of national policy, mediated through local systems of governance and management. One such policy area is urban regeneration. Central government now requires local authorities in England to set up Local Strategic Partnerships (LSPs) to bring together stakeholders who can prepare Community Strategies and deliver social and economic programmes which target areas of deprivation. This paper reviews the key institutional processes which must be addressed, such as representation, accountability and transformation.
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Dissertação de mestrado, Ciências da Educação (Administração Educacional), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2015
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The report contains details of the number and type of Freight Quality Partnerships (FQPs) that exist in the UK, their structure, their aims and objectives, their activities and outputs, their challenges, successes and failings, and the extent to which they work with and learn from each other. Through survey work, the study also sought the views of those directly involved in the operation and management of FQPs about the FQP concept, whether they have improved partnership working between the public and private sector, the value for money that they provide, and actions that central government and other organisations could take to improve their success and effectiveness.
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In the past two decades governments in Britain have launched a series of initiatives designed to reduce the disparities between areas of affluence and deprivation. These initiatives were funded by central government and were delivered through a series of partnership boards operating at the neighbourhood level in areas with high levels of deprivation. Drawing on similar approaches in the US War on Poverty, the engagement of residents in the planning and delivery of projects was a major priority. This chapter draws on the national evaluations of three of these programmes in England: the Single Regeneration Budget, the New Deal for Communities and the Neighbourhood Management Pathfinders. The chapter begins by identifying the common characteristics of these programmes, known as area-based initiatives because they targeted areas of concentrated deprivation with a population of about 10,000 people each. It then goes on to discuss the three national programmes and summarises the main findings in relation to how far key indicators changed for the better. The final section sets out the ways in which policy objectives changed in 2010 after the election of a coalition government. This produced a shift to what was called the ‘Big Society’ where the rhetoric favoured a transfer of power away from central government towards the local, neighbourhood, level. This approach favoured self-help and a call to volunteering rather than channelling resources to the areas in greatest need. The chapter closes by reviewing the relatively modest achievements of this centralist, big-state approach to distressed neighbourhoods of 1990–2010.
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Localism is an active political strategy, developed in a period of austerity by the UK's coalition government as a justification for the restructuring of state-civil society relationships. The deprived neighbourhood has long been a site for service delivery and a scale for intervention and action, giving rise to a variety of forms of neighbourhood governance. Prior international comparative research indicated convergence with the US given the rise of the self-help conjuncture and the decline of neighbourhood governance as a medium of regeneration. The subsequent shift in the UK paradigm from ‘big’ to ‘small state’ localism and deficit-reducing cuts to public expenditure confirm these trends, raising questions about the forms of neighbourhood governance currently being established, the role being played by local and central government, and the implications for neighbourhood regeneration. Two emerging forms of neighbourhood governance are examined in two urban local authorities and compared with prior forms examined in earlier research in the case study sites. The emerging forms differ significantly in their design and purpose, but as both are voluntary and receive no additional funding, better organised and more affluent communities are more likely to pursue their development. While it is still rather early to assess the capacity of these forms to promote neighbourhood regeneration, the potential in a period of austerity appears limited. Reduced funding for local services increases the imperative to self-help, while rights to local voice remain limited and the emerging forms provide little scope to influence (declining) local services and (still centralised) planning decisions, especially in neighbourhoods with regeneration needs which are likely to lack the requisite capacities, particularly stores of linking social capital. Initial conclusions suggest greater polarity and the further containment of deprived neighbourhoods.
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Indonesia, over the past two decades, has embarked on a process of decentralization as part of a broader process of democratization, which followed earlier periods of centralized governance and authoritarian rule across the archipelago. The purpose of this book is to explore the connections between governance and sustainable society in a wide variety of policy fields in Indonesia,Indonesia and how reforming governance structures may contribute to societal benefits and the creation of a long-term sustainable society. The structures created may be characterized as a variable form of multi-governance, with varying types of relationships between the central government and newly empowered local governments.
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Over the last few decades, China has seen a steep rise in diverse eco city and low carbon city policies. Recently, attention has begun to focus on the perceived shortcomings in the practical delivery of related initiatives, with several publications suggesting a gap between ambitious policy goals and the emerging realities of the newly built environment. To probe this further, in this article we examine – based on the policy network approach – how the gap between high-level national policies and local practice implementation can be explained in the current Chinese context. We develop a four-pronged typology of eco city projects based on differential involvement of key (policy) actor groups, followed by a mapping of what are salient policy network relations among these actors in each type. Our analysis suggests that, within the overall framework of national policy, a core axis in the network relations is that between local government and land developers. In some cases, central government agencies– often with buy-in from international architecture, engineering and consulting firms – seek to influence local government planning through various incentives aimed at rendering sustainability a serious consideration. However, this is mostly done in a top-down manner, which overemphasizes a rational, technocratic planning mode while underemphasizing interrelationships among actors. This makes the emergence of a substantial implementation gap in eco city practice an almost predictable outcome. Consequently, we argue that special attention be paid in particular to the close interdependency between the interests of local government actors and those of land and real estate developers. Factoring in this aspect of the policy network is essential if eco city implementation is to gain proper traction on the ground.