932 resultados para armed forces
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On 25 April 1974 the Armed Forces Movement (MFA – Movimento das Forças Armadas) rose against the dictatorial regime that had governed Portugal for 48 years. This event was the beginning of a turbulent transition process that was to culminate in the approval of a new constitution in April 1976 and in the instauration of a Western style pluralist democracy. There are many political scientists and historians who note the original and unexpected nature of this transition; however, there are very many different interpretations with respect to the roles played by each of the actors in the process: the armed forces, the parties and political movements and the social forces/movements. The aim of this paper is to clarify this matter through an examination of the principal events of the revolution.
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Trabalho Final de Mestrado para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Mecância
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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Gestão Estratégica das Relações Públicas.
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RESUMO: Desde 1976 que as Forças Armadas desenvolvem acções de prevenção do consumo de drogas e álcool. Na década de 80 foi criada capacidade laboratorial e deu-se início a um programa de rastreios toxicológicos. No quinquénio 2001 a 2005, as proporções de resultados positivos, associando todos os tipos de rastreio, variaram entre 3,7% e 1,5%. De Outubro de 2006 a Julho de 2007 realizou-se um estudo analítico transversal, para estimar a prevalência do consumo de drogas (canabinóides, opiáceos, cocaína e anfetaminas) num dos Ramos das Forças Armadas, com base nos despistes realizados pelo seu laboratório. Foi utilizada uma amostra aleatória simples de 1039 militares, profissionais (QP) e contratados (RC), no activo e de ambos os sexos. Desde a nomeação dos militares a rastrear, passando pela cadeia de custódia das amostras até à obtenção do resultado foi utilizado apoio informático específico. O processo de pesquisa utilizou duas técnicas de triagem por imunoensaio e tecnologia de confirmação por GC/MS, de acordo com as recomendações europeias, permitindo estabelecer uma metodologia standard para organizações e empresas. A prevalência estimada, de consumidores de droga, foi de 3,8/1.000, para um erro de 0,37%. O número de casos registado (4) não permitiu a utilização de testes estatísticos que conduzissem à identificação de características determinantes da positividade, mas não deixou de revelar aspectos inesperados. A observação de séries de casos e a realização regular de estudos epidemiológicos, que ajudem a redefinir grupos alvo e a perceber a dimensão, as determinantes e as consequências do consumo de drogas é sugerida, em conclusão.--------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: Depuis 1976, les Forces Armées mettent au point des mesures visant à prévenir la consommation de drogues et d'alcool. En 1980, fut créé capacité laboratoriel et ont ensuite commencé un programme de dépistage toxicologique. Au cours des cinq années allant de 2001 à 2005, les proportions de consommateurs, impliquant tous les types de dépistage, allaient de 3,7% à 1,5 %. D'octobre 2006 à juillet 2007, une étude analytique transversale a été organisée pour évaluer la prévalence de l’usage de drogues (cannabis, opiacés, cocaïne et amphétamines) dans une branche de les Forces Armées, basée sur les dépistages faites par un laboratoire militaire, à l'aide d'un échantillon aléatoire de 1039 militaires, professionnels (QP) et sous contract (RC), à l’actif et des deux sexes. Tout au long du procès, de la nomination des donneurs, en passant par la chaine de garde des échantillons, jusqu’à obtention du résultat, il fut employé un appui informatique sécurisé. Le processus de recherche employa deux techniques de tri par imunoessay et la technologie de confirmation GC/MS, selon les recommandations européennes, permettant d'établir une méthodologie standard pour les organisations et les entreprises. La prévalence estimée fut de 3,8/1.000 pour une marge d’erreur de 0,37%. Le nombre de cas enregistrés (4) n'autorise pas l'utilisation de testes statistiques de menant à l'identification de caractéristiques déterminant de la positivité, mais il permet à révéler des aspects inattendus. L'observation de séries de cas et la tenue régulière d’études épidémiologiques, qui contribuent à redéfinir les groupes cibles et de comprendre l'ampleur, les déterminants et les conséquences de l'usage de drogues, est suggéré, en fin de compte.--------------------------------------- ABSTRACT: Since 1976, the Armed Forces, have been developing measures to prevent the use of drugs and alcohol. In 1980, was created laboratory facility which then started a program of toxicological screenings. In the five years running from 2001 to 2005, the proportions of consumers, involving all types of screening, ranged from 3,7% to 1,5%. From October 2006 to July 2007, a cross-sectional study was held to estimate the prevalence of drug use (cannabinoids, opiates, cocaine and amphetamines) in one branch of the Portuguese Armed Forces, based on laboratory screenings, using a random sample of 1039 military, professional (QP) and enlisted (RC), active-duty and of both sexes. Specific computer support was used all the way, from the appointment, including the chain of custody of samples, to the obtaining of the result. The process of search used two techniques for sorting by immunoassay and confirmation technology GC/MS, according to European recommendations, allowing to establish a standard methodology for organizations and companies. The estimated prevalence of drug users was 3.8/1.000 for a 0.37% error (95% confidence interval). The number of cases registered (4) does not permit use of statistical testing leading to the identification of characteristics weighing in the establishing to extrapolate for the population, but it allows revealing unexpected aspects. The observation of series of cases and the regular holding of epidemiological studies, which help redefine target groups and to understand the extent, the determinants and consequences of drug use, is suggested, in conclusion.
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The conflicts currently taking place around the world demand that the international intervention fits the intensity and extent of the threat. This is particularly important in post-conflict scenarios, leading to a greater participation of the Security Forces in those scenarios, in order to foster lasting peace, enforce the order and improve law enforcement services in those regions. The transition from armed conflict to peacekeeping may entail high risk situations and greater instability periods, so-called “intermediate situations”. Accordingly, in the face of persisting high volatility, a robust response is still required post-conflict. Therefore, it is appropriate to deploy Security Forces with military nature and status, the gendarmeries, which have training and response capabilities similar to Armed Forces in peacekeeping operations. Their double facet as police and military forces enables them to perform police duties in high risk and unsafe environments. In light of these features, the Portuguese gendarmerie, Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR), is able to carry out tasks in these scenarios, which it has been doing through individual operatives or larger units. This dissertation focuses on the use of Security Forces of military nature in peacekeeping missions, in particular the Portuguese GNR, relying mostly on the inductive approach and using literature research, document analysis, interviews and statistics. After a brief description of international peacekeeping missions, we describe the contribution of Security Forces of a military nature in such operations. Then we introduce and analyse the GNR, focusing on its deployment in different kinds of peacekeeping operations, from its first participation in 1995 until today. We also report some reactions to the performance of GNR. Finally, we discuss whether there is indeed a unique role for this type of forces in international peacekeeping missions.
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Following orders, hierarchical obedience and military discipline are essential values for the survival of the armed forces. Without them, it is not possible to conceive the armed forces as an essential pillar of a democratic state of law and a guarantor of national independence. As issuing orders as well as receiving and following them are inextricably linked to military discipline, and as such injunctions entail the workings of a particular obedience regime within the specific kind of organized power framework which is the Armed Forces, only by analysing the importance of such orders within this microcosm – with its strict hierarchical structure – will it be possible to understand which criminal judicial qualification to ascribe to the individual at the rear by reference to the role of the front line individual (i.e. the one who issues an order vs the one who executes it). That is, of course, when we are faced with the practice of unlawful acts, keeping in mind the organizational framework and its influence over the will of the executor. One thing we take as read, if the orders can be described as unlawful, the boundary line of the duty of obedience, which cannot be overstepped, both because of a legal as well as a constitutional imperative, will have been crossed. And the military have sworn an oath of obedience to the fundamental law. The topic of hierarchical obedience cannot be separated from the analysis of current legislation which pertains to the topic within military institutions. With that in mind, it appeared relevant to address the major norms which regulate the matter within the Portuguese military legal system, and, whenever necessary and required by the reality under analysis, to relate that to civilian law or legal doctrine.
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The European Union has taken in recent years an increasingly important role in ensuring peace and stability in the international community, and the security and defence policy of the Union has become synonymous with crisis management. The Union has addressed the issue of crisis management through two sources: the military side and the civilian side, which consists in carrying out numerous crisis management operations and missions. This study discusses the role of the European Union in conducting crisis management operations and missions and how the gendarmerie forces contribute to the success of the same. It will discuss the evolution of the European Union's security policy and the concept of crisis management, and seek to demonstrate the added value of the commitment of gendarmerie forces in operations and missions of crisis management, particularly with regard to employment of the European Gendarmerie Force. On the other hand, it will study the planning process for crisis management of the European Union, featuring the entities and agencies involved in it, and presenting the products that result from this same process. The use of Gendarmerie forces in crisis management operations and missions has significant advantages. Its use is recommended to post - conflict scenarios, in complementarity with the armed forces, in order to overcome the "security gap" that mediates the transition from the state of conflict for the period of peace and reconstruction. Gendarmerie forces can also be engaged both in military crisis management operations and civilian crisis management missions.
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The President of the Portuguese Republic’s relation with the Armed Forces in the current political system is not confined to the vast legislative and constitutional set. As Chief of State and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, the President holds different powers. We develop an approach through the main concepts and themes that regulate the Armed Forces and National Defense, focusing the relations that involve the President directly. The attribution by inherence of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces to the Chief of State, imposes a peculiar relation with the remainder sovereign institutions. The need to analyze the intermediate services as far as military and defense issues are concerned becomes necessary, in particular the role of the Military Cabinet – as a structure of direct support – and the High Council of National Defense – as an advisory body.
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The present work offers a brief historical and evolutionary introduction to the legal basis of the Portuguese Republic Intelligence System (SIRP) which comprises two services – the Security Intelligence Service (SIS) and the Defence Strategic Intelligence Service (SIED) – and two entities responsible for its oversight – the Supervisory Body (CFSIRP) and the Data Monitoring Committee (CFD), also responsible for supervising the Military Intelligence and Security Centre (CISMIL) of the General Staff of the Armed Forces (EMGFA). The initial narrative subsequently leads us to a detailed analysis of the Portuguese Intelligence services' current model of monitoring, as well as of the legislator’s options, namely in the legal drafting field, used within the construction and definition of the legal structure that currently regulates the Portuguese Republic Intelligence System. For the purposes of this study we have broadly examined different models of the European Union, in particular those of Belgium, the Netherlands and Croatia. We have also transposed to the text the valuable contributions collected during the research phase, more precisely the replies to questionnaires and interviews conducted with certain individuals selected according to their knowledge and affinity with the subject of this study, including members and former members of the Supervisory Body and former directors of the three portuguese intelligence services. The present dissertation intends to contribute to the development of this subject, promoting critical analysis, within and beyond the academia, with the aim that some of its reflections might be useful towards the intelligence system’s future reform, particularly in what concerns intelligence services monitoring.
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Following orders, hierarchical obedience and military discipline are essential values for the survival of the armed forces. Without them, it is not possible to conceive the armed forces as an essential pillar of a democratic state of law and a guarantor of national independence. As issuing orders as well as receiving and following them are inextricably linked to military discipline, and as such injunctions entail the workings of a particular obedience regime within the specific kind of organized power framework which is the Armed Forces, only by analysing the importance of such orders within this microcosm – with its strict hierarchical structure – will it be possible to understand which criminal judicial qualification to ascribe to the individual at the rear by reference to the role of the front line individual (i.e. the one who issues an order vs the one who executes it). That is, of course, when we are faced with the practice of unlawful acts, keeping in mind the organizational framework and its influence over the will of the executor. One thing we take as read, if the orders can be described as unlawful, the boundary line of the duty of obedience, which cannot be overstepped, both because of a legal as well as a constitutional imperative, will have been crossed. And the military have sworn an oath of obedience to the fundamental law. The topic of hierarchical obedience cannot be separated from the analysis of current legislation which pertains to the topic within military institutions. With that in mind, it appeared relevant to address the major norms which regulate the matter within the Portuguese military legal system, and, whenever necessary and required by the reality under analysis, to relate that to civilian law or legal doctrine.
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In 2002 in the Ivory Coast three months of armed conflict ended with the division of the country. Two regions were separated by an interposition line controlled by the French Forces Licorne. This significant peace process was maintained over time, but characterized for lack of mutual confidence and political immobility, which led to an impasse and the continuation of Laurent Gbagbo in the presidency. Moreover, the peace building process was less successful because the different political agreements failed to address some of the main national problems, such as land property and identity issues. The following paper aims first to analyze the main facts and causes that instigated the conflict since the coup d’état in 2002. Secondly, the paper will analyze the peace process and point out the key elements of the Ouagadougou Peace Agreement (2007): the creation of a new and unique armed forces structure, as well as the identification of the population and implementation of an electoral process. The main goal is to provide the International Catalan Institute for Peace (ICIP) a working tool in order to send an electoral observation mission to this African country by November 2009.
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Tres meses de conflicto armado en Côte d'Ivoire en 2002 acabaron con la división del país en dos regiones, separadas por una línea de separación controlada por las francesas Forces Licorne. El proceso de paz se alargó en el tiempo y se caracterizó por una falta de confianza mutua y por la inmovilidad política. Estos hechos desembocaron en una situación de impasse y en la permanencia de Laurent Gbagbo en la presidencia del país. Además, los diferentes acuerdos políticos no ayudaron al proceso de construcción de paz, ya que no trataban algunos de los problemas principales del país, como la propiedad de las tierras y la identidad. Este documento de trabajo aspira, en primer lugar, a analizar los hechos principales y las causas que originaron el conflicto desde el golpe de estado de 2002. En segundo lugar, el documento analiza el proceso de paz y señala los elementos clave del Acuerdo de Paz de Ouagadougou (2007): la creación de una estructura de fuerzas armadas nueva y única, así como la identificación de la población y la convocatoria de elecciones. El objetivo principal es proporcionar una herramienta de trabajo al Institut Català Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) para enviar una futura comisión de observación electoral a este país africano.
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Tres mesos de conflicte armat a Côte d’Ivoire durant el 2002 acabaren amb la divisió del país en dues regions, separades per una línia d’interposició controlada per les franceses Forces Licorne. El procés de pau es perllongà en el temps i es caracteritzà per una manca de confiança mútua i per una immobilitat política. Aquests fets desembocaren en una situació d’impasse i en la permanència de Laurent Gbagbo a la presidència del país. A més, els diferents acords polítics no ajudaren el procés de construcció de pau, ja que no encaraven alguns dels problemes principals del país, com ara la propietat de les terres i els assumptes d’identitat. Aquest document de treball aspira, en primer lloc, a analitzar els fets principals i les causes que originaren el conflicte des del cop d’estat del 2002. En segon lloc, el document analitza el procés de pau i assenyala els elements clau de l’Acord de Pau d’Ouagadougou (2007): la creació d’una estructura de forces armades nova i única, així com la identificació de la població i la realització d’un procés electoral. L’objectiu principal és proporcionar una eina de treball a l’Institut Català Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) per enviar una missió d’observació electoral a aquest país africà el novembre de 2009.
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Trois mois de conflit armé en Côte d’Ivoire pendant l’année 2002 finirent par provoquer la division du pays en deux régions, séparées par une ligne d’interposition contrôlée par les Forces Licorne françaises. Le processus de paix se prolongea dans le temps, caractérisé par un manque de confiance mutuelle et une immobilité politique. Ces faits ont débouché sur une situation d’impasse et la permanence de Laurent Gbagbo à la présidence du pays. De plus, les différents accords politiques n’aidèrent pas le processus de construction de la paix, puisqu’ils n’abordaient pas certains problèmes principaux du pays, comme par exemple la propriété des terres et les sujets concernant l’identité. Ce document de travail aspire, tout d’abord, à analyser les faits principaux et les causes qui provoquèrent le conflit à partir du coup d’état de 2002. En deuxième lieu, le document analyse le processus de paix et signale les éléments clé de l’Accord de Paix d’Ouagadougou (2007): la création d’une nouvelle et unique structure des forces armées, ainsi que l’identification de la population et la réalisation d’un processus électoral. L’objectif principal est de fournir un outil de travail à l’Institut Catalan International pour la Paix (ICIP) afin d’envoyer une mission d’observation électorale dans ce pays africain.
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OBJECTIVE: To examine whether a caregiver's attachment style is associated with patient cognitive trajectory after traumatic brain injury (TBI). SETTING: National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland. PARTICIPANTS: Forty Vietnam War veterans with TBI and their caregivers. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Cognitive performance, measured by the Armed Forces Qualification Test percentile score, completed at 2 time points: preinjury and 40 years postinjury. DESIGN: On the basis of caregivers' attachment style (secure, fearful, preoccupied, dismissing), participants with TBI were grouped into a high or low group. To examine the association between cognitive trajectory of participants with TBI and caregivers' attachment style, we ran four 2 × 2 analysis of covariance on cognitive performances. RESULTS: After controlling for other factors, cognitive decline was more pronounced in participants with TBI with a high fearful caregiver than among those with a low fearful caregiver. Other attachment styles were not associated with decline. CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATION: Caregiver fearful attachment style is associated with a significant decline in cognitive status after TBI. We interpret this result in the context of the neural plasticity and cognitive reserve literatures. Finally, we discuss its impact on patient demand for healthcare services and potential interventions.