American Jewish Committee. Office of Jewish War Records, undated, 1918-1921, 1962.

The records consist of documentation of the American Jewish Committee's project to describe Jewish participation in the United States Armed Forces during World War I. The bulk of the material consists of questionnaires that the AJC sent to servicemen to determine Jewish identity, which contain information on personal identification and details of military service. Responses to the questionnaire come from both Jews and non-Jews. In addition, the collection contains office papers concerning the project and a ledger of manuscripts. The manuscripts document the distribution of records the Office of Jewish War Records collected, as well as list Jews who died or were given military honors.

Henry Roth papers undated, 1918-1995

Papers include a large number of journals and notebooks, hundreds of fan letters, general correspondence, manuscripts by and about Roth, and publications by and about Roth. Papers also include various editions of his works and several annotated volumes of his personal reference library. Topical files contain photographs and items reflecting his interests and personal history.

Verein Mekor Chajim Collection 1915-1918

The bulk of the collection consists of circular letters of the Jewish orthodox organization Mekor Chajim in Frankfurt/Main and of issues of ���Feldbrief der Agudas Jisroel Jugendorganisation���, sent to Jewish soldiers during World War I; 1915-1918

Sankarihautaus vapaussodassa : valkoisten kaatuneiden hautaaminen Suomessa vuonna 1918

Civil War Hero Burials the funerals of the fallen White in Finland in 1918 This study focuses on the burial with honours of fallen White combatants during the Finnish Civil War of 1918, as well as on the reasons underpinning the practice. The main sources of the study included the archives of the White army, the Civil Guard organisation and the Church, as well as the newspapers. The genetic method of history research was used. Both the existing tradition of military burials and the ecclesiastical burial culture influenced the burials of those who fell during the Civil War. The first war hero funerals took place as early as the beginning of February 1918, and the first larger-scale collective funerals were organised in Laihia and Vaasa in the Ostrobothnia province, with the latter attended by the supreme civil and military leaders of White Finland. From early on, these funerals assumed their characteristic features, such as the lion flag a design for the Finnish national flag proposed immediately upon the declaration of the country s independence military parades, lines of honour guards, eulogies, salutes and common war hero graves. As a result of the general offensive begun in mid-March 1918, the numbers of the fallen multiplied, so special organisations were established to handle the burials of the fallen. At the same time, the war hero funerals became more frequent and diffused, and the numbers of the buried grew throughout the country. In early March, the advocates of the republican system of government published their appeal in the newspapers, requesting that collective graves for those who fell in the war prepared in every locality. They motivated their request by stating that it was the funerals in particular that had inspired many men to join the ranks voluntarily in the first place, and that the large collective soldiers graves increased the numbers of those who answered the call and left for the front. The Civil Guard organisation arranged the burials of war heroes. The clergy contributed by officiating the religious service and by clearly aligning themselves with the Whites in their eulogies. The teachings of the Lutheran Church suggest that they found the Whites to be the temporal authority instituted by God, and therefore authorised raising the sword against the Reds. Speaking at the funerals with great pomp and sentimental power, the leaders of the Civil Guard and the exponents of the learned classes instigated their audiences against the Reds. The funeral speeches idealised the war hero s death by recalling military history since the times of ancient Greece. Being of the emblematic colour of the Whites, the white coffin assumed a particular importance connected to ideas of biblical purity and innocence. By the end of May 1918, almost 3,300 Whites were buried in the soldiers graves prepared by the burial organisation in some 400 localities. Only about 200 men remained missing in action or unidentified. The largest common graves accommodated over 60 fallen combatants. Thus, the traditions of the 1918 Civil War directly influenced war hero burial practices, which continued into the Finnish Winter War of 1939.

Juutalaisvastaisuus suomalaisissa aikakauslehdiss�� ja kirjallisuudessa 1918-1944

Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

Itsen��isen Suomen puolesta : Sotilaskomitea 1915-1918

For Independent Finland. The Military Committee 1915���1918 In the course of the First World War, several organizations were founded with the purpose of making Finland independent or, at least, restoring her autonomous status. The Military Committee was the most significant active independence organization in Finland in the First World War, in addition to the activist student movement, i.e., the Jaeger Movement. The Military Committee was an organization founded in 1915 by officers who had attended the Hamina Cadet School, with the goal of creating a national army for a liberation war against the Russian troops. It was believed that the liberation war should succeed only with the help of the German Army. With the situation in society continually tensing up in the autumn 1917, the Military Committee also had to figure on the possibility of a Civil War. The activities of the Military Committee started in the early part of 1915 when they were still small-scale, but they gained significant momentum after the Russian Revolution in March 1917. In January 1918, the Military Committee formed the general staff for the White Army, the Senate���s troops. The independence-related activities of the Hamina cadets in the years of the First World War were more extensive and multifaceted than has been believed heretofore. The work of the Military Committee was divided into preparations for a liberation war in Finland, on one hand, and in Stockholm and Berlin, on the other hand. In Finland, the Military Committee took part in intelligence gathering for Germany and in supporting the recruiting Jaegers, and later in founding the civil guard organization, in solving the law and order authorities issue, and finally in selecting the Commander-in-Chief for the Senate���s troops. The member of the Military Committee, especially Captain Hannes Ignatius of the Cavalry contributed greatly to the drafting of the independence activists��� national action plan in Stockholm in May 1917. This plan preceded the formation of the civil guard organization. The Military Committee���s role in founding the civil guards was initially minor, but in the fall of 1917, the Military Committee started to finance the activities of the civil guards, named several former officers as commanders of the civil guards and finally overtook the entire civil guard movement. In Stockholm and Berlin, the representatives of the Military Committee were in active contact with both the high command of the German Army and with the representatives of the Swedish Army. Colonel Nikolai Mexmontan, who was a representative of the Military Committee, collaborated with Swedish officers and Jaeger officers in Stockholm in coming up with comprehensive and detailed plans for starting the Liberation War. Under Mexmontan���s leadership, there were serious negotiations to enter into a confederation with Germany. Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Thesleff, on the other hand, became the commander of the Jaeger Battalion 27. The influence and importance of the Military Committee came to the forefront in independent and conflict-torn Finland. The Military Committee became a Senate committee on the 7th of January 1918, with its chairman, for all practical purposes, as the Commander-in-Chief in an eventual war. Lieutenant General Claes Charpentier was the chairman of the Military Committee from mid-December 1917 onwards, but on the 15th of January 1918 he had to resign in favour of Lieutenant General Gustaf Mannerheim. Soon after that, Mannerheim got an order from the chairman of the Senate P. E. Svinhufvud to organize and assume the leadership of the law and order authorities. The chairman of the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief of the Senate troops in January 1918, and the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief���s general staff. The Military Committee had turned from a clandestine organization into the first general staff of the independent Finnish Army.

Kiista, eheys, unohdus : Vapaussodan muistaminen suojeluskunnan ja veteraaniliikkeen toiminnassa 1918-1944

Conflict, Unity, Oblivion: Commemoration of the Liberation War by the Civic Guard and the Veterans�� Union in 1918-1944 The Finnish Civil War ended in May 1918 as a victory for the white side. The war was named by the winners as the Liberation War and its legacy became a central theme for public commemorations during the interwar period. At the same time the experiences of the defeated were hindered from becoming a part of the official history of Finland. The commemoration of the war was related not only to the war experience but also to a national mission, which was seen fulfilled with the independence of Finland. Although the idea of the commemoration was to form a unifying non-political scene for the nation, the remembrance of the Liberation War rather continued than sought to reconcile to the conflict of 1918. The outbreak of the war between the Soviet Union and Finland in 1939 immediately affected the memory culture. The new myth of the Miracle of the Winter War, which referred to the unity shown by the people, required a marginalization of controversial memory of the Liberation War. This study examines from the concepts of public memory and narrative templates how the problematic experience of a civil war developed to a popular public commemoration. Instead of dealing with the manipulative and elite-centered grandiose commemoration projects, the study focuses on the more modest local level and emphasizes the significance of local memory agents and narrative templates of collective memory. The main subjects in the study are the Civil Guard and the Veterans�� Union. Essential for the widespread movement was the development of the Civic Guard from a wartime organization to a peacetime popular movement. The guards, who identified themselves trough the memories and the threats of civil war, formed a huge network of memory agents in every corner of the country. They effectively linked both local memory with official memory and the civic society with the state level. Only with the emergence of the right wing veteran movement in the 30ies did the tensions grow between the two levels of public memory. The study shows the diversity of the commemoration movement of the Liberation War. It was not only a result of a nation-state project and political propaganda, but also a way for local communities to identify and strengthen themselves in a time of political upheaval and uncertainty.

"Innokas punikki". Hyvink����n punakaartilaisnaiset sis��llissodan j��lkiselvittelyiss�� 1918.

Hyvink����l��iset ty��l��isnaiset ottivat vuoden 1918 sis��llissotaan osaa punakaartin riveiss�� ruoanlaittajina, sairaanhoitajina sek�� asetta kantaneina sotilaina. Valkokaartia tukemaan saapuneet saksalaissotilaat saavuttivat Hyvink����n huhtikuun 20. p��iv��, ja pit��j�� valloitettiin. Osa hyvink����l��isnaisista oli t��ss�� vaiheessa siirtynyt jo pohjoisemmille rintamille. Valkoiset eteniv��t kuitenkin voittoisasti kohti pohjoista, ja suurin osa hyvink����l��isnaisista oli antautunut 1. toukokuuta menness��. T��m�� tutkimus tarkastelee Hyvink����n punakaartilaisnaisiin kohdistuneita kuulustelututkimuksia ja toimenpiteit�� sis��llissodan j��lkiselvittelyiss��, jotka alkoivat huhtikuussa ja jatkuivat vuoden loppuun saakka. Samalla tuon esiin runsaasti uutta tietoa Hyvink����n punakaartilaisnaisten toimista sis��llissodassa sek�� heid��n taustoistaan. T��rkeimpi�� l��hteit�� tutkimuksessani ovat erilaiset Kansallisarkistossa s��ilytett��v��t oikeusasiakirjat: Hyvink����n pit��j��n kentt��oikeuksien p��yt��kirjat, viralliset esitutkintap��yt��kirjat sek�� valtiorikosoikeuksien ja valtiorikosylioikeuden aktit. Lis��ksi olen etsinyt tietoa sodassa ja sen j��lkiselvittelyiss�� surmansa saaneista punaisista hyvink����l��isnaisista. T��ss�� t��rkeimpin�� l��htein��ni ovat olleet Suomen Sotasurmat 1914���1922 -projektin nimitiedosto sek�� valkokaartin kirjanpidosta l��ytyneet vangitsemistiedot. Olen hy��dynt��nyt suuren tietom����r��n k��sittelyss�� tilastollisia menetelmi��. Tarkastelen naisia kuitenkin paljon my��s yksil��tasolla, sill�� juuri yksil��tarinat rikastuttavat paikallishistoriallista tutkimusta. Tutkimukseni perusteella punaisiksi luokiteltuja hyvink����l��isnaisia menehtyi sis��llissodan j��lkiselvittelyiss�� 27 ��� heist�� suurin osa Lahden ja H��meenlinnan seudulla, miss�� viimeiset taistelut k��ytiin. Menehtyneist�� naisista moni oli vasta 16���17-vuotias. My��s hyvink����l��isnaisia joutui suurille vankileireille ��� t��ss�� yhteydess�� tarkastelen kahden naisen vankileirimuistelmia. Kotipaikkakunnalla tutkittiin samanaikaisesti kentt��oikeuksissa 64 hyvink����l��isnaista. Kentt��oikeuksien teht��v��n�� oli kartoittaa punakaartilaisten toimintaa sek�� heid��n tietojansa paikkakunnalla ja l��hiseuduilla tapahtuneista murhista sek�� ry��st��ist��. Kentt��oikeuksissa kuulustelluista naisista valtaosa vapautettiin lyhyen vankeuden j��lkeen. J��lkiselvittelyjen virallisessa vaiheessa 116 hyvink����l��ist�� punakaartilaisnaista joutui kuulusteluihin. Heist�� vajaa puolet oli toiminut sodan aikana erilaisissa huoltoteht��viss�� mm. punakaartin ruokalassa. 25 naista oli ep��iltyn�� Hyvink����ll�� huhtikuussa perustetussa aseellisessa naiskaartissa toimimisesta. Loput olivat toimineet punaisten hallinnossa tai sairaanhoitoteht��viss�� kotipaikkakunnalla ja rintamilla. Kuulustelujen perusteella 81 naista sai vuoden 1918 j��lkipuoliskolla syytteen valtiorikosoikeudessa; heist�� suurin osa avunannosta valtiopetokseen. Tutkimukseni kattaa n��in kaikkiaan noin 150 hyvink����l��ist�� punakaartilaisnaista. Tutkimukseni valottaa heid��n toimintaansa sodan aikana sek�� arvioi rankaisutoimenpiteiden motiiveja. Tutkimukseni mukaan asetta kantaneisiin naisiin suhtauduttiin j��lkiselvittelyiss�� keskim����rin hyvin ankarasti. Muiden punakaartilaisnaisten osalta rankaisutoimenpiteiss�� ei ollut yhten��ist�� linjaa. Perunankuorinta punakaartin ruokalassa saattoi olla tuomittava rikos siin�� miss�� kaartilaisten matkoilla liikkuminen ja ry��stetyn tavaran k��tkeminen.

The British Intervention in South Russia 1918-1920

Soon after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, a three-year civil war broke out in Russia. As in many other civil wars, foreign powers intervened in the conflict. Britain played a leading role in this intervention and had a significant effect on the course of the war. Without this intervention on the White side, the superiority of numbers in manpower and weaponry of the Bolsheviks would have quickly overwhelmed their opponents. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the nature and role of the British intervention on the southern, and most decisive, front of the Civil War. The political decision making in London is studied as a background, but the focus of the dissertation is on the actual implementation of the British policy in Russia. The British military mission arrived in South Russia in late 1918, and started to provide General Denikin s White army with ample supplies. General Denikin would have not been able to build his army of more than 200,000 men or to make his operation against Moscow without the British mat��riel. The British mission also organized the training and equipping of the Russian troops with British weapons. This made the material aid much more effective. Many of the British instructors took part in fighting the Bolsheviks despite the orders of their government. The study is based on primary sources produced by British departments of state and members of the British mission and military units in South Russia. Primary sources from the Whites, including the personal collections of several key figures of the White movement and official records of the Armed Forces of South Russia are also used to give a balanced picture of the course of events. It is possible to draw some general conclusions from the White movement and reasons for their defeat from the study of the British intervention. In purely material terms the British aid placed Denikin s army in a far more favourable position than the Bolsheviks in 1919, but other military defects in the White army were numerous. The White commanders were unimaginative, their military thinking was obsolete, and they were incapable of organizing the logistics of their army. There were also fundamental defects in the morale of the White troops. In addition to all political mistakes of Denikin s movement and a general inability to adjust to the complex situation in Revolutionary Russia, the Whites suffered a clear military defeat. In South Russia the Whites were defeated not because of the lack of British aid, but rather in spite of it.

���Uskonto puoluepyyteiden palveluksessa��� ��� Punaisen hallinnon edustajien ja kannattajien suhde kirkkoon ja uskontoon Suomen sis��llissodan aikana 1918

Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on mentaliteettihistoriallista kuorimismenetelm���� hyv��ksi k��ytt��en selvitt���� uskonnon asemaa punaisen hallinnon edustajien ja kannattajien el��m��nkatsomuksessa Suomen sis��llissodan aikana 1918. Kuorimismenetelm�� perustuu teoriaan, jonka mukaan ihmisryhm��n el��m��nkatsomus on jaettavissa eri kerroksiin. Kerrokset voidaan saada n��kyviin tulkitsemalla ihmisten j��tt��mi�� j��lki��, joskus luovalla ja mielikuvituksellisellakin tavalla. T��rkeimm��t l��hdeaineistot ovat kansanvaltuuskunnan asiakirjat sek�� kolme keskeist�� punaisessa Suomessa ilmestynytt�� lehte��. Kansanvaltuuskunta pyrki politiikallaan tekem����n valtiosta uskonnollisesti neutraalin. Luterilaisen kirkon erityisasema haluttiin murtaa ja saattaa kirkko samanlaiseen asemaan muiden uskonnollisten ryhmien kanssa. Uskonnon- tai katsomuksenvapaus itseisarvona ei juuri noussut esille lehdist��ss��; keskeisimm��t perustelut valtiokirkon lakkauttamiselle olivat sen antama tuki porvarilliselle yhteiskuntaj��rjestykselle sek�� sen aiheuttama moraalin rappio. Kirkon toiminnasta olemassa olevien tietojen ja ty��v��enlehtien ilmoittelun perusteella uskonnonvapaus n��kyy toteutuneen punaisessa Suomessa jotenkuten. Uskonnolliset ryhm��t saivat ilmoitella toiminnastaan ja p����s����nt��isesti my��s j��rjest���� kokouksiaan. Paikallisen punaisen vallan suhtautuminen kirkkoon ja muihin uskonnollisiin ryhmiin vaihteli huomattavasti. Kirkkoon kohdistettiin paikoin v��kivaltaisuuksia, mutta kirkko ei ollut punaisen terrorin erityinen kohde. Valtion ja kirkon erottamistavoite oli ilmeisen t��rke�� osa vallankumousta. Se ei kuitenkaan kuulunut kansanvaltuuskunnan tilannearviossa v��ltt��m��tt��mimpiin uudistuksiin. Lehdist��ss�� kirkkoa ja uskontoa k��sittelev��t aiheet n��ytt��v��t saaneen suuremman huomion kuin kansanvaltuuskunnan politiikassa. Kirkkoon tai uskontoon liittyneet asiat, joissa paikallistason vallankumouselimet ottivat yhteytt�� kansanvaltuuskuntaan, olivat hyvin k��yt��nn��nl��heisi��. Yhteydenotot sin��ns�� sek�� joidenkin kohdalla my��s niiden s��vy kertovat jonkinlaisesta kunnioituksesta kirkkoa kohtaan. Kirkkoon kohdistuneet v��kivaltaisuudet, kirkollisen el��m��n rajoittamiset sek�� uskonnonopetukseen puuttuminen kouluissa j��iv��t koko punaisen Suomen mittakaavassa v��h��iseksi, mik�� viittaa asioiden v��h��iseen t��rkeyteen. Toisaalta n��iss�� kohden paikallisella tasolla oltiin kansanvaltuuskuntaa jyrkempi��. Lehdist��ss�� pappien moraalittomuus n��ytt��ytyi erityisen huonossa valossa. Pappien osallistuminen valkoisten sotaponnistuksiin sai lehdist��ss�� sen todelliseen laajuuteen n��hden suunnattoman suuren huomion. Pid��n t��t�� osoituksena siit��, ett�� kirkko oli pett��nyt kirjoittajien odotukset. K��sitys kirkosta pyhyyden edustajana oli voimassaan punalehtien kirjoittajienkin mieliss��. N��kemykseni on, ett�� maailmankuvan ja maailmankatsomuksen tasolla uskonto piti pintansa punaisen hallinnon edustajien ja kannattajien el��m��nkatsomuksessa. T��st�� kertoo uskonnollisten tekstien ja symbolien runsaus kuolinilmoituksissa sek�� kirkollisten seremonioiden liitt��minen jopa punaisten virallisiin sankarihautajaisiin. Vaikka lehdist��ss�� n��htiin ihanteena kuolemaan liittyvien uskonnollisten k��sitysten h��vi��minen, niille annettiin tilaa. Huolimatta voimakkaista hy��kk��yksist�� kirkkoa vastaan monissa kirjoituksissa sosialismi katsottiin yhteensopivaksi kristinuskon kanssa. Lis��ksi lukuisissa kirjoituksissa sosialismista tehtiin uskonto. Uskonnollisella retoriikalla sitoutettiin yhteiseen asiaan. Uskontoa siis k��ytettiin puoluepyyteiden palvelukseen. Samalla yll��pidettiin sen vahvaa asemaa punaisen hallinnon kannattajien ��� kenties edustajienkin ��� el��m��nkatsomuksessa.

Vapaussodan perint�� : Valkoisuus paikallisyhteis��ss�� sis��lt��, yll��pit��j��t ja rapautuminen Iisalmessa 1918 1933

Legacy of the Finnish Civil War. White nationalism in a local community - content, supporters and disintegration in Iisalmi 1918 - 1933. Using one local community (Iisalmi) as an example, this study centres around the winners of the 1918 Finnish Civil War, exploring their collectivity its subsequent breakdown during 1918 - 1933. Referring to this collectivity by the methodological concept of white nationalism, the thesis first discusses its origin, content and forms. This is done by elucidating the discourses and symbols that came to constitute central ideological and ritualistic elements of white nationalism. Next, the thesis describes and analyzes fundamental actors of the Finnish civil society (such as White Guard and Lotta Sv��rd) that maintained white nationalism as a form of counter or parallel hegemony to the integration policy of the 1920s. Also highlighted is the significance of white nationalism as a power broker and an instrument of moral regulation in inter-war Finnish society. A third contribution of this thesis involves presenting a new interpretation of the legacy of the Civil War, i.e., the right-wing radicalism during the years 1919 - 1933. I shall describe attempts of the extreme right (Lapua Movement and IKL, Patriotic People s Movement) to use the white nationalism discourse as a vehicle for their political ambitions, as well as the strong counter-reaction these attempts induced among other middle-class groups. At the core of this research is the concept of white nationalism, whose key elements were the sacrifice of 1918, fatherland under threat and warrior citizenship. Winners of the civil war strove to blend these ideals into a homogenized culture, to which the working class and wavering members of the middle-class were coaxed and pressurized to subscribe. The thesis draws on Anglo-American symbol theories, theory of social identity groups, Antonio Gramsci s concept of cultural hegemony and Stuart Hall s approach to discourse and power.

El impacto de la Primera Invasi��n Inglesa a la Ciudad de Buenos Aires en 1806, en la pol��tica del virrey Jos�� Fernando de Abascal y Sousa para el Virreinato del Per��

Resumen: Jos�� Fernando de Abascal y Sousa recibi�� la noticia de la invasi��n inglesa de 1806 a Buenos Aires, en el inicio de su administraci��n como virrey del Virreinato del Per��. A partir de esta primera misiva enviada por el virrey Rafael de Sobre Monte, comenz�� un intercambio epistolar entre las dos autoridades sobre dicho acontecimiento, a partir del cual se fueron perfi lando las preocupaciones, cuidados y pol��ticas iniciales de defensa aplicadas por Abascal a su jurisdicci��n.

[Discurso do Deputado Colombo de Sousa : Sess��o da C��mara dos Deputados de 06 de maio de 1957]

Leitura da ora����o congratulat��ria com que o Arcebispo de S��o Paulo, Dom Carlos Carmelo de Vasconcelos comemorou a celebra����o da Primeira Missa em Bras��lia, futura capital do pa��s.