1000 resultados para Política – Rio Grande do Norte
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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The Acquisition Food Program (Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos – PAA) is one of the governmental public politics proposed, in the year of 2003, that has the focus in the family-run farm in Brazil. This Program has as objectives: commercialize the familyrun farm products, bought by the government agencies; to encourage production, and promoting actions that improve quality food of people facing starving risk. This Program has been working, to some extent, as complement to the Program of family-run farm Enhancement (PRONAF). The present study has as its focus to analyse the social territorials changes observed in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, as a result of the PAA implementation. In this sense, it was promoted a discussion between territory and rules. I this work, public politics are understood as rules. This procedure was important in order to understand how the rules have influenced territorial changes, creating new social and territorial relations. In the research process was used scientific and institutional texts on the subject. It was applied a quiz with 97 PAA’s supplying farmers, and interviews were done with the Program managers in Federal (MDA), State (CONAB and EMATER) and municipal (local office of EMATER and Departments of Agriculture) levels. Social public politics were also analyzed with the aim of understand the context where PAA is situated in relation with the public politics directed to familyrun farm as a whole since 1980, within new Brazilian democratization process. With the information collected in the field, plus the secondary data, maps, charts, tables and cartograms were made. With all of this, a socio-economical profile of the family-run farm in the Rio Grande do Norte was traced, as well as the included in this research. Before this picture, we concluded that PAA indeed represents a forward in public politics directed to family-run farm. However, in spite of the importance of the Program for the family-run farmers to come of age, but in order to the rural and family-run farm reality in the Rio Grande do Norte come to present meaningful changes much still remain to be done.
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The environmental movement rises up strongly in the year 1972 with the Stocolmus Conference, in the middle of pressions concerning the environmental preservation, in consequence of the environmental catastrophes. In spite of the fact that, in Brazil, the environmental movement has is institutionalization with the 1988 Constitution, in a way that the councils became democratic spaces, and provided the society’s participation in the management of public policies. In this way, we propose a discussion about the participation and the exercise of the citizenship in the State Council of Environment of Rio Grande do Norte (CONEMA), focusing the glance about the decisory process, as from the expression of the social actors. For that, our research compilate documents of the meetings of the referring council, transcribing the main discussions about the environmental necessities which were important in the potiguar society, and checking how these agents defend their interest during the meetings. We understand, with these informations, the role of CONEMA/RN as a communicative mechanism between State and Society. With the analysis of the informations of the extraordinary meetings from 2007 to 2014, we concluded that the CONEMA is a council where the civil organized society takes part on the decisory process, despite the great influence of the representative actors of public power over the representative actors of civil society. The results of this research confirm the discrepancy between the participation of representative councilors of civil society in CONEMA/RN. The conclusion point out that the civil society representative don’t, yet, assimilate the citizen duty, the responsibility of it1s action, producing, in this way, damages for the legal structure of the potiguar environmental legislation, with serious consequences on the public policy implementation
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En Brasil, la violencia interpersonal (homicidios) se ha incrementado de forma significativa, convirtiéndose en una preocupación cada vez mayor en todos los ámbitos políticos de la sociedad. Hoy es uno de los más graves problemas sociales y de salud pública. Se refiere a los problemas sociales, ya que interfiere en la distribución de la oferta de bienes y servicios a los ciudadanos; sino también un problema de salud, porque la violencia es uno de los fenómenos que causan gran impacto en la morbilidad y mortalidad del país, y genera un alto costo para el Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Esta es una crisis social, que es el resultado de un mundo capitalista globalizado, que exige a todos sus instrumentos de dominación (dinero, poder y competitividad en estado puro), en virtud del cual la violencia y los conflictos interpersonales se materializan en el territorio. El Río Grande do Norte (RN) ha estado siguiendo esta realidad que es nacional, con el aumento de las tasas de mortalidad por homicidios. En este sentido, este estudio tuvo como objetivo analizar la violencia interpersonal (agresión / homicidio), en Brasil y en el estado del RN, para entender cómo esto afecta a su población, en la morbilidad y mortalidad durante los años 2001 a 2011. Para ambos hicimos uso de método descriptivo / cuantitativo para determinar la magnitud, el tamaño, el perfil de las víctimas y los costos del SUS generados por el problema. Como resultado, podemos diagnosticar que en Brasil, la violencia se ha presentado una nueva dinámica regional, promovida por un proceso de interiorización del fenómeno en todo el país, este proceso de internalización se ha reflejado en la última década, el crecimiento de la violencia en el estado del RN, que ha causado un gran impacto en las tasas de la mortalidad del estado. Acerca la victimización, se puede ver que hay un perfil vulnerable formado por, varón, baja instrucción joven, sola y negro. Con respecto a los datos de morbilidad hospitalaria, la demanda creciente del fenómeno genera costes para el sistema de salud, y las graves consecuencias humanas, como la escalada del miedo y la destrucción de una generación de jóvenes brasileños. Por lo tanto, la falta de una política pública para afrontamiento, prevención y mitigación del problema revela el fracaso de la gestión pública, con consecuencias sociales y de salud, tanto individual como colectivamente.
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The Solidarity Economy is considered in this work as a development option. Talk about it is to think in the workforce as a producer of material wealth and, above all , subjective , therefore it is necessary to take into account that these relations coexist different types of practices that encompass emotions , lifestyles , etc. This research has as an object of study evaluating the effectiveness of public policy for Solidarity Economy, microrregion Angicos / RN, demonstrating how the Solidarity Economy has encouraged the development not only as a driving force for economic growth, but as the expansion capabilities and freedoms. The Solidarity Economy has several definitions, and despite having its origin in the cooperative movement, is a concept under construction. Focused on the discussion of public policy, is now understood as a proposal for employability, either as a generator of employment and income, reflecting its polymorphism. Theories and concepts developed by Amartya Sen is an important analytical tool for understanding the Solidarity Economy as a development strategy. When speaking of instrumental freedoms, Senniana theory contributes to reflection on how participants socioeconomic actions are becoming active agents of change i n their own freedoms. The analysis was based on the discussion of development beyond economic bias, using the lines of the vari ous local stakeholders with PCPR II, p hase 2, for microrregion Angicos / RN, comprising: public managers, technical advisors and beneficiaries of the program rural poverty alleviation. Besides the discussion of the economic organization of the RN and its spatial distribution, the survey brings the result that the Solidarity Economy in microrregion Angicos / RN contributed to the dev elopment as freedom, proving the effectiveness of public policy by allowing an improvement in the quality of life, enabling efetivations, even without major proportions.
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Childhood and adolescence care has frequently caused theoretical and methodological discussions. At national level, the way of dealing with this public has always been on the agenda, either by maintaining a paternalistic treatment, or by coercive and repressive expression with which this public is treated. Given the above, this research presents a thorough study of social policies focused on children and adolescents in Brazil, with the overall purpose of investigating how this process of implementation of public policies for poor children and adolescents in the state of Rio Grande do Norte was. In previous studies, it was identified that there are no official records regarding the policy implementation process for this population in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. A retrospective study about the care towards children and adolescents in Brazil was held. It ranged from the XXVIII century, through the period of assistance, until the historical period in which the child started to be considered from the perspective of a policy. Thus, a certain period was framed, so that, through the historical research method, this study could focus on gathering data about the attention focused on childhood and adolescence in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, between the years 1964 and 1988. Data was listed from newspaper files that circulated in the state during period mentioned above. This time framing corresponds to the regency of the National Policy of Child Welfare. In the state of Rio Grande do Norte, the implementation of institutions such as FUNBERN and then FEBEM did not differ from the national standard, since many projects and care programs for poor children and teenagers were executed in this period. The implementation of these institutions revealed the concern of the state in solving the problem of “minors” regarding to situations of abandonment or "delinquency" which they were involved with. However, the kind of protection provided by the state toward this population was based on the current ideology that supported the political system at the time: the military dictatorship. Thus, the main way to provide care to this population was through its institutionalization, through taking children to daycare centres and adolescents to “reeducational” institutes for “minors”.
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Energy is a vital resource for social and economic development. In the present scenario, the search for alternative energy sources has become fundamental, especially after the oil crises between 1973 and 1979, the Chernobyl nuclear accident in 1986 and the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. The demand for the development of new alternative energy sources aims to complement existing forms allows to meet the demand for energy consumption with greater security. Brazil, with the guideline of not dirtying the energy matrix by the fossil fuels exploitation and the recent energy crisis caused by the lack of rains, directs energy policies for the development of other renewable energy sources, complementing the hydric. This country is one of the countries that stand out for power generation capacity from the winds in several areas, especially Rio Grande do Norte (RN), which is one of the states with highest installed power and great potential to be explored. In this context arises the purpose of this work to identify the incentive to develop policies of wind energy in Rio Grande do Norte. The study was conducted by a qualitative methodology of data analysis called content analysis, oriented for towards message characteristics, its informational value, the words, arguments and ideas expressed in it, constituting a thematic analysis. To collect the data interviews were conducted with managers of major organizations related to wind energy in Brazil and in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. The identification of incentive policies was achieved in three stages: the first seeking incentives policies in national terms, which are applied to all states, the second with the questionnaire application and the third to research and data collection for the development of the installed power of the RN as compared to other states. At the end, the results demonstrated hat in Rio Grande do Norte state there is no incentive policy for the development of wind power set and consolidated, specific actions in order to optimize the bureaucratic issues related to wind farms, especially on environmental issues. The absence of this policy hinders the development of wind energy RN, considering result in reduced competitiveness and performance in recent energy auctions. Among the perceived obstacles include the lack of hand labor sufficient to achieve the reporting and analysis of environmental licenses, the lack of updating the wind Atlas of the state, a shortfall of tax incentives. Added to these difficulties excel barriers in infrastructure and logistics, with the lack of a suitable port for large loads and the need for reform, maintenance and duplication of roads and highways that are still loss-making. It is suggested as future work the relationship of the technology park of energy and the development of wind power in the state, the influence of the technology park to attract businesses and industries in the wind sector to settle in RN and a comparison of incentive policies to development of wind energy in the Brazilian states observing wind development in the same states under study.
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In the late 1980s, the quilombola (or maroon) communities emerged on the Brazilian public scene. They established themselves as new collective subjects and ethnic groups, in a historical moment of sensitive political changes in several social conflicts and struggles, both in Brazil and in Latin America. Because of their socio-cultural and historical singularities, these communities have self-identified in the same collective expression and have organized in search of recognition and respect for their rights. Quilombo communities and other self-labeled as "traditional communities" seek to reaffirm their differences in opposition to a conscious colonizer cultural project and re-signify their memories and traditions, that serve as reference in the construction of alternative production projects and community organization. One of the distinguishing characteristics of this quilombola political emergence process is the territorial nature of the struggles, manifested in at least two directions: on the one hand, the struggle for legal and formal recognition of a given space, i.e., the regularization and titling of occupied territories, considering that the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 recognizes the right of these communities to the final possession of the traditional lands. On the other hand, the struggle for recognition of their territoriality in a broader sense, not necessarily restricted to the demarcated area, but as the recognition of a culture and its own way of life, that originated historically in these territories. The current accomplishments and challenges of the Brazilian quilombola communities are well exemplified by the quilombo of Acauã, in the Poço Branco municipality of Rio Grande do Norte. The last fifteen years have been marked by important changes in this community, which has gained visibility and has emerged as a new political player. Acauã identified itself as quilombola community in 2004, the same year that it formalized its political structure, through the creation of the Association of Residents of Quilombo Acauã (AMQA, in Portuguese). Also in 2004, it requested to the National Institute of Colonization and Land Reform (INCRA, in Portuguese) the opening of the process for regularization and titling of quilombo territory, which is at an advanced stage, but so far without definitive resolution. This study aims to understand the process of territorialization (struggle for territorial claim) played in the last fifteen years by the community of Acauã.
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This study aims to systematize elements for territorial development analyzing attributes of social capital present in the territories of Rio Grande do Norte. Unlike other studies about the subject, it is not intended to measure the stock of social capital, but rather to reveal the phenomenon of social organization and its implications, considering territories examined are already made around social capital structures. Case study were used as strategy research because it is enables to understand holistic features and significant events within the context of real life. For this research were selected representatives of public and social institutions involved in territorial collegiate specifically those of the governing core, selected from the more effective involvement of discretion in structure, functioning and meetings. The three territories have similar realities, are products of a public policy that is based on common criteria and present interdependence between categories of analysis of social capital. The presence or absence of any relationship - link, bridge or connection - influences the performance of territorial policy, affecting the social organization and fostering processes of access to information. In the cases at hand, despite the similarity of the general conditions of structure and function, the Apodi has qualities superior to the other. The presence of Dom Helder Camara project that articulates, in parallel to the Territory of Citizenship, the same actors of public policy with social mobilization capacity and effectiveness of actions, is able to encourage different development processes at Apodi. This can be explanatory factor, the tangent construct social capital, so that the territory present living conditions and better levels of development than the other two addressed here.
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In contemporary dynamics, a change is observed in the institutional structure of the state, culminating in several policies for the tourist sector which promote a new management format. The from this view, the Tourism Regionalization Macro Program (TRP), considered a significant program to Ministry of Tourism, arose as an answer to this new reality, having as strategy a joint working of structuring and promotion turned at decentralization of actions, valuing the residents participation in the search of the permanent dialogue between peers and revaluation of places and territories, based in the regionalization process. Based on this bias, this study aims to examine the role of the Tourism State Council of Rio Grande do Norte, with regard to the tourism planning, trying to understand it and solve it as governance Instance, through the Tourism Regionalization Program interventions, given the participation context of its actors and agents. For purposes of this study is delimited as time frame the year 2007 at 2014, understanding that it was this time, there was greater council members accession, as well as different types of sectors representation of civil society, as a result of a tourism public policy based on principles of innovation and participation. In relation to the research problem, this study is conceptualized as a qualitative and the chosen method is the materialist dialectic. Still on the methodological options, utilize the Content Analysis. The results show that the institutionalization of governance instance as the Conetur does not contributes, ideally, in the planning and management process of participatory and integrated tourist activity, facing a fair direction of your space production. The research indicates that there are debates, discussions and guidelines (still in a timely and targeted form), but not reverberates practical effects, by act in a conjuncture that Is strategically designed for political and economic power game, setting the hegemonic actors performance, which uses this arena to instill personal desires and wishes, that are decided in absentia to the council.
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The audiovisual media is an instrument of communication that plays an important role in the cultural, social and political understanding of society. This survey was done intenting to identify the contribution of the audiovisual media to the culture in the Rio Grande do Norte and trying to understand the process of producing audiovisual in this state. To reach the aim, a case report was done regard the activities of Caminhos, Comunicação & Cultura – CC&C – a group that conducts cultural activities in the state since 2006 and has 76% of its activities related to audiovisual production, in which 47% of them, are video workshops. The video workshop project "Sowing Culture", held by the group in the city of Venha Ver/RN in January 2013, was observed and analised from its conception to its realization. The research pursued to reveal how the initiatives of independent producers, such as the CC&C group, can promote the access to audiovisual culture in regions where such knowledge is limited or nonexistent, due to the poor state policies related to the culture. Methodologically, the research was structured by performing a historical and descriptive analysis of hypothetical-deductive method through participant observation. For the conceptual and theoretical development, it was addressed the Sociability, Ethnography and media activism. The research proved that the independent audiovisual producers are promoting changes in the RN audiovisual practices. Before the background featured in the research, it is proposed a prognostic from researching to opening the RN Audiovisual Observatory, a communicational tool projected as space of sharing information, thinking, speaking, contacting and promoting the audiovisual productions of the state.
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The objective of this dissertation is to investigate the propagation of an anticommunism movement in Rio Grande do Norte Estate, Brazil, in a process that started on the first decades of the twentieth century and shows reflections until today. Firstly, we introduce the operation promoted by the catholic oriented newspaper A Ordem. Through the analysis of publications from 1935 to 1945, we observe its role in an image campaign of the “Communist Conspiracy” event, in an attempt to legitimate the power of Right wing groups, specially the Catholic Church and the Military Police. The newspapers discourse is analyzed in serial, quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Secondly, we search to understand the space dynamic of the anticommunism discourse thought the creation of evocation and representation spaces that ended up becoming memory places. Our considerations are based on the concept of representation by Roger Chartier, observing the way communism is represented by A Ordem, as well as the spatial category used to reactivate the anticommunist memory and represent it. We analyze the interests that are served by the construction of the monuments, the Oral History, as well as the relation between the local communities with them. Thirdly, we establish a parallel with many authors, in an approach that gathers Cultural and Social elements and Political History, in order to find explanations for the articulation of these discourses.
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The solidary economy as the organization of production, alternative to the capitalist economy provides new forms of organization and social behavior, that, in the sight of geography, it is shown by the different territory uses. The territory assume new meanings that, influenced by the Solidary Economy movement, tries to reach for new ways of acting that differ from social order already stablished. However, the different uses show themselves in a more complex and contradictory way, given that, in solidary undertakings, different corporative agents start to act, the State being a last resource on this process. Given this reality, our goal on the present paper is to analyze the different uses of the territory from the rural economic solidary undertakings and the relationship it establishes to the different agents involved on the socio-territorial dynamics on Rio Grande do Norte. Starting from a study that contemplates the territorial organization forms and contents of the analyzed phenomena, the methodology utilized for this research is based on a bibliographic review, with authors from the geography and areas related to the Solidary Economy, besides the use of secondary data, acquired from official offices such as SIES and IBGE, from the documented research, SENAES and field interviews conducted with local solidary undertakings. The results obtained in the study reveal the complexity of the agricultural use of the territory by Solidary Economy on the RN, while a resource of intensified use, from the state actions and important economical agents, and regulating the use while shelter, that marginalize solidary workers, making them subdued to the hegemonic logic. Therefore, we can infer that the solidary economy, despite its image of new form of organization between agricultural workers, given the expressivity of the rural solidary undertakings presented on RN, it hasn’t shown a full social development as an instrument of reproduction and emancipation of the associates. Nevertheless, the undertakings articulated in nets excel, even when considering its punctual and residual form. The given contradictions show that it is necessary to fortify the building of the solidary economy as being horizontal and popular based for it to have strength to surpass the regulative actions of the capitalist state and ownership created by the Capital.
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Considering the situation of neglect existing in Brazilian public education and, specially, in the process of rural schooling, this dissertation aims to analyze the process of implementation of the Operational Guidelines for Basic Education in Rural Schools (DOEBEC), regulatory framework of the national policy of rural education. On it, we analyze the conditions of teaching work in rural schools of Rio Grande do Norte (RN), in 2010. The sample of the survey has as reference the representativeness of the chosen universe in relation to the totality of rural schools belonging to the state of RN. To answer the goals of the research, we opted to present a critical analysis of the following points: 1) Implementation of the DOEBEC; 2) Conditions of teaching work and teaching training. The points or categories of research were chosen based in the determinations of the DOEBEC (Resolution CNE/CEB n. 01/2002). For the data collection in the referred schools, we opted for the realization of interviews with the teachers and managers of these teaching establishments, in 2010. It was also utilized, for the characterization of school attendance in rural schools of RN, in 2010, official statistical data available by the State Secretary of Education and Culture (SEEC/RN). The analysis of the statistical data and of the primary data collected in field research indicated that the conditions of teaching work are still an obstacle to the development of the educative work of the teacher in rural areas. According to interviews with the participants of the research, we realized that the DOEBEC, despite being sanctioned in 2002, were still dimly known and discussed by the interviewees of the referred schools in 2010. Thus, we propose that the implementation of the policy of rural education in RN, instituted by DOEBEC’s legal landmark, and reaffirmed by the Rio Grande do Norte’s Charter to Rural Education (Brazil, 2005), is rethought and reconsidered, in the sense of ensuring that the changes proposed in this legal text, inherent to the school functioning, to the conditions of teaching work, to the rural schools’ management, to the remuneration and valorization of teaching work, to the teaching training, to the conditions of school transport, among others, be turned into concrete actions to improve the quality of education offered in the rural schools of RN state.