939 resultados para Esposas de ex-combatentes - Wives of war veterans


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Edge of the Fall, is about the DeWitt family in the 1920s as they try to make sense of their lives in the aftermath of the war. It's the Flapper Age - and everything is in flux. A sequel to The Storms of War.

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Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

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The first issue of the 'Journal of War and Culture Studies' in 2008 mapped out the academic space which the discipline sought to occupy. Nearly a decade later, the location of war, traditionally within the nation-state, is being challenged in ways which arguably affect the analytical spaces of War and Culture Studies. The article argues for an overt engagement with a reconceptualization of the location of war as broader in both spatial and temporal terms than the nation-state. Within this framing, it identifies local 'contact zones' which are multi-vocal translational spaces, and calls for an incorporation of 'translation' into our analyses of war: translating identities, including associations of the material as well as of subjective identities, and espousing a conscious interdisciplinarity which might lead us to focus more on the performative than the representational. Putting 'translation' into the 'transnational' marks the spaces of War and culture studies as multilingual, making accessible the cultural products and cultural analyses of a much broader range of sources and reflections. The article calls for the discipline of Translation Studies to become a leading contributor to War and Culture Studies in the years to come.

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Fish oil supplementation has been shown to improve the cachectic state of tumor-bearing animals and humans. Our previous study showed that fish oil supplementation (1 g per kg body weight per day) for 2 generations had anticancer and anticachetic effects in Walker 256 tumor-bearing rats as demonstrated by reduced tumor growth and body weight loss and increased food intake and survival. In this study, the effect of fish oil supplementation for 2 generations on membrane integrity, proliferation capacity, and CD4/CD8 ratio of lymphocytes isolated from mesenteric lymph nodes, spleen, and thymus of Walker 256 tumor-bearing animals was investigated. We also determined fish oil effect on plasma concentration and ex vivo production of cytokines [tumor necrosis factor-alpha (TNF-alpha), interferon-gamma (IFN-gamma), interleukin-4 (IL-4), IL-6, and IL-10]. Lymphocytes from thymus of tumor-bearing rats presented lower viability, but this change was abolished by fish oil supplementation. Tumor growth increased proliferation of lymphocytes from all lymphoid organs, and fish oil supplementation abolished this effect. Ex vivo production of TNF-alpha and IL-6 was reduced in supplemented animals, but IL-4 and IL-10 secretion was stimulated in both nontumor and tumor-bearing rats. IL-10 and IFN-gamma plasma levels was also decreased in supplemented animals. These results suggest that the anticachetic effects of fish oil supplementation for a long period of time (2 generations) in Walker 256 tumor-bearing rats may be associated to a decrease in lymphocyte function as demonstrated by reduced viability, proliferation capacity, and cytokine production.

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Short chain fatty acids (SCFAs) are fermentation products of anaerobic bacteria. More than just being an important energy source for intestinal epithelial cells, these compounds are modulators of leukocyte function and potential targets for the development of new drugs. The aim of this study was to evaluate the effects of SCFAs (acetate, propionate and butyrate) on production of nitric oxide (NO) and proinflammatory cytokines [tumor necrosis factor alpha (TNF-alpha) and cytokine-induced neutrophil chemoattractant-2 (CINC-2 alpha beta)] by rat neutrophils. The involvement of nuclear factor kappa B (NF-kappa B) and histone deacetylase (HDAC) was examined. The effect of butyrate was also investigated in vivo after oral administration of tributyrin (a pro-drug of butyrate). Propionate and butyrate diminished TNF-alpha, CINC-2 alpha beta and NO production by LPS-stimulated neutrophils. We also observed that these fatty acids inhibit HDAC activity and NF-kappa B activation, which might be involved in the attenuation of the LPS response. Products of cyclooxygenase and 5-lipoxygenase are not involved in the effects of SCFAs as indicated by the results obtained with the inhibitors of these enzymes. The recruitment of neutrophils to the peritonium after intraperitoneal administration of a glycogen solution (1%) and the ex vivo production of cytokines and NO by neutrophils were attenuated in rats that previously received tributyrin. These results argue that this triglyceride may be effective in the treatment of inflammatory conditions. Crown Copyright (C) 2011 Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Background: Political violence and war are push factors for migration and social determinants of health among migrants. Somali migration to Sweden has increased threefold since 2004, and now comprises refugees with more than 20 years of war experiences. Health is influenced by earlier life experiences with adverse sexual and reproductive health, violence, and mental distress being linked. Adverse pregnancy outcomes are reported among Somali born refugees in high-income countries. The aim of this study was to explore experiences and perceptions on war, violence, and reproductive health before migration among Somali born women in Sweden. Method: Qualitative semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with 17 Somali born refugee women of fertile age living in Sweden. Thematic analysis was applied. Results: Before migration, widespread war-related violence in the community had created fear, separation, and interruption in daily life in Somalia, and power based restrictions limited access to reproductive health services. The lack of justice and support for women exposed to non-partner sexual violence or intimate partner violence reinforced the risk of shame, stigmatization, and silence. Social networks, stoicism, and faith constituted survival strategies in the context of war. Conclusions: Several factors reinforced non-disclosure of violence exposure among the Somali born women before migration. Therefore, violence-related illness might be overlooked in the health care system. Survival strategies shaped by war contain resources for resilience and enhancement of well-being and sexual and reproductive health and rights in receiving countries after migration.

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Background: Political violence and war are push factors for migration and social determinants of health among migrants. Somali migration to Sweden has increased threefold since 2004, and now comprises refugees with more than 20 years of war experiences. Health is influenced by earlier life experiences with adverse sexual and reproductive health, violence, and mental distress being linked. Adverse pregnancy outcomes are reported among Somali born refugees in high-income countries. The aim of this study was to explore experiences and perceptions on war, violence, and reproductive health before migration among Somali born women in Sweden. Method: Qualitative semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with 17 Somali born refugee women of fertile age living in Sweden. Thematic analysis was applied. Results: Before migration, widespread war-related violence in the community had created fear, separation, and interruption in daily life in Somalia, and power based restrictions limited access to reproductive health services. The lack of justice and support for women exposed to non-partner sexual violence or intimate partner violence reinforced the risk of shame, stigmatization, and silence. Social networks, stoicism, and faith constituted survival strategies in the context of war. Conclusions: Several factors reinforced non-disclosure of violence exposure among the Somali born women before migration. Therefore, violence-related illness might be overlooked in the health care system. Survival strategies shaped by war contain resources for resilience and

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Starting with the literal and physical role of the "ground," this article attempts to bring this "ground" into a discursive arena. In particular, the author is thinking about the period at the end of a war, the period in between destruction and reconstruction, exemplified in some classic postwar films in which the architecture of the city is in a state of ruin—deformed, eroded, and dark—but there is no further destruction. The article calls this period "a gap of history" and its investigation is set against a claim that architecture is a reconstructive practice, that it is enlightening and aspiring. History, on the other hand, is captured by scenes of the battlefield and dominated by a narrative of war and destruction. The article makes reference to the real and fantasy desire for destruction (war and history) and reconstruction (architecture), and how through the connecting plane of the ground architecture is entangled in war and history of destruction as it figures in reconstruction. Architecture is contingent on history as discursive—history that is not unified, fixed, or evolutionary but rather contested and rewritten within a conflictual battlefield.

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This article discusses the way the past is being reexamined in modern-day Vietnam, particularly through the medium of heritage. Hue, the old royal capital of Vietnam, provides the case study, as this city reflects the great themes and events of Vietnamese history over the last two hundred years, from the establishment of a unified nation under the Nguyen, through the imposition of colonial control, the devastation of war, reunification, and the establishment of communism, to the consolidation of an independent postcolonial nation. The importance of Hue's heritage is recognized in its status as a “world heritage” site. The author argues that Hue's heritage is, nevertheless, problematic for Vietnam's ruling communists, because to them it largely represents a regime—the Nguyen Dynasty—that was “reactionary” and that had sold out the country to the French. The apparent contradiction between the standard communist view of the Nguyen past and the value accorded to Nguyen heritage in Hue is resolved, the author contends, by recourse to the depoliticized practices of heritage preservation and tourist promotion.

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Mass media representations foster a view that the "War on Terror" is taking place both everywhere and nowhere, presenting Western governments with an opportunity to mobilize public support in new and ubiquitous ways. Starting with Virilio's critique of technology, speed, and de-territorialization, this article discusses the ways in which mass support is mobilized by the state in conventional pursuit of geopolitical objectives. Drawing on  contemporary international relations theory, the authors introduce the concept of "securitization" and discuss how war coverage in cyberspace has been used to securitize international threats, such as "global terrorism," to justify state intervention, including war. It is concluded that one of the paradoxes of war coverage in cyberspace is that whereas cyber-technologies should democratize the politics of war by liberating access to information about war, the state has coopted information and communication technologies to facilitate new forms of mass mobilization for war itself.

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Ginkgo biloba is one of the most popular herbal medicines in the world, due to its purported pharmacological effects, including memory-enhancing, cognition-improving, and antiplatelet effects. When used in the elderly, Ginkgo has a high potential for interactions with cardiovascular drugs. This study aimed to investigate the effects of the standard Ginkgo biloba extract (EGB 761) treatment on the pharmacokinetics of propranolol and its metabolism to form Ndesisopropylpropranolol (NDP) in rats. We also examined the activity and expression of cytochrome P450 (CYP) 1A and other CYPs in rats treated with EGb 761 at 10 and 100 mg/kg/day for 10 days. A single oral dose of propranolol (10 mg/kg) was administered on day 11 and the concentrations of both propranolol and NDP were determined using validated liquid chromatography-mass spectrometry (LC-MS) methods. The levels of mRNA and protein of various CYPs were determined by RT-PCR and Western blotting analysis, respectively. Pretreatment of EGb 761 at 100 mg/kg, but not 10 mg/kg, for 10 days significantly reduced the area under the plasma concentration-time curve (AUC) and maximum plasma concentration (C max) of propranolol, whereas those values of NDP were significantly increased. CYP1A1, 1A2, 2B1/2, and 3A1 activities and gene expression in the rat liver were significantly increased in a dose-dependent manner by pretreatment with EGb 761. The ex-vivo formation of NDP in liver microsomes from rats pretreated with EGb 761 was markedly enhanced. The formation of NDP from propranolol in liver microsomes was significantly inhibited by α- naphthoflavone (ANF, a selective CYP1A2 inhibitor), but not by quinidine (a CYP2D inhibitor). These results indicated that EGb 761 pretreatment decreased the plasma concentrations of propranolol by accelerated conversion of parental drug to NDP due to induction of CYP1A2. EGb 761 pretreatment also significantly induced CYP2B1/2 and CYP3A1, suggesting potential interactions with substrate drugs for these two enzymes. Further study is needed to explore the potential for gingko-drug interactions and the clinical impact.

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Heiner Müller in the 1980s produced a sequence of plays featuring Euripides’ heroine Medea using his distinctive, poetic modality of “the theatre of images”. These ostensibly postmodern narratives take the form of disjointed, visual and textual representations that are also fragmentations of historical and mythical times and spaces. Müller’s Medea plays are thus suggestive of the intersection between the discourses of history and myth — and the blending of historical time with ahistorical, supposedly “timeless” mythical narratives. Further, the postmodern possibility of history’s textuality to liquidate it into a type of (modern) mythology seeks expression in the plays’ representation of a converse equation: the moment signaled in the text as that “where myth becomes history”. This paper examines the problematisation of the myth-history dichotomy in Müller’s Medea plays, outlining the ways in which the “timeless” myth of the classical, infanticidal figure of Medea is strategically deployed to politicise evolutionist teleology, Western colonialism and the technologies of war in twentieth century Europe.

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The refugee dilemma in Europe in the years between the two world wars had a number of aspects: humanitarian, political, and diplomatic. It raised questions of migration, questions of international law, and questions of the fate of hundreds of thousands of individuals. Refugees were visible from the very last days of the war and remained a matter of serious international concern even beyond the outbreak of war again in September 1939. The refugee dilemma in Europe was, firstly, a humanitarian crisis because the size of the refugee population was without precedent. It was also a political problem because national governments had to contend with questions about the refugees' legal status and their legitimacy under national and international law, as well as balance humanitarian concerns with national political interests. The humanitarian and political aspects together created a crisis for the international community newly united in the League of Nations. One of its first great acts-to take these refugees into its protective care-was not even prescribed for it in its Covenant. But the refugee crisis facing Europe was so great that member states were united in the belief that the League had been established precisely to undertake a task of this kind.

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Does the type of regime really make no difference to the likelihood of violent conflict over basic issues of stateness such as separatism and decolonization? Can democratic peace theory be successfully applied when dealing with the national identity or stateness question? This article extends the application of the democratic peace to the process of decolonization. It examines conflict between imperial states and their colonies during the process of decolonization and investigates the question of whether democracy affects the likelihood of conflict. The central finding is that, contrary to the implications of some prominent theories of state formation and democracy, democratic imperial states are significantly less likely to go to war with their colonial possessions in the process of achieving independence. Further, the authors find only a monadic, not dyadic, democratic peace effect. The regime type of the colony does not have a significant effect on the likelihood of war. It is the nature of the regime of imperial states, rather than that of colonies, that is a significant factor. In addition, the predominant source of this effect appears to be the institutional constraints placed on executive action within democracies, rather than the influence of mass politics or the effects of political competition. Regarding power-related factors, power parity between sovereign and colony makes conflict more likely (a colonial power-transition effect), but imperial decline actually makes war with colonies less likely. Sensitivity analysis reveals that a number of other hypothesized effects cannot find robust support. Simulations are used to assess the magnitude of the effect of regime type pre- and post-independence. Overall, the article contributes to theory development by investigating different institutional aspects of democracy and by distinguishing monadic and dyadic effects.

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Remittances from Fijian workers overseas are the nation’s largest income – exceeding that of tourism and sugar. Fijian bodies have become a valuable export commodity in the increasingly privatised economy of war. Coco Fusco writes that from the 18th Century, texts have “reduced people of colour to the corporeal, whiteness was understood as a spirit that manifests itself in a dynamic relation to the physical world. Whiteness, then, does not need to be made visible to present an image; it can be expressed as the spirit of enterprise, as the power to organise the material world, and as an expansive relation to the environment.” This work asks where black and white bodies fit within this new economy of war…who is visible and who is invisible? Whose bodies are commodities and who embodies the spirit of enterprise?
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