926 resultados para State-civil society relations
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Transvestites and transsexualsface everyday intense process of exclusion. The un(un)involvement to those people ethically and politically is a fact and comes from the State and Civil Society. The aims of this article are to analyzehow transgenderexperience their construction of identity in aheteronormative social context; the public health assistance, work and incomepursuit. The methodology used was qualitative action research. The conclusion is that suffering is the result of a process of right’s fight and pursuit for health, assistance and work. The situations of being treated as inferior persons, with no social value are experienced repeatedly.
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Studies about cooperation between Portugal, Brazil and Angola are recent and controversial, mainly when we see them from the perspective of democratic countries, Republicans and capitalists. From the middle of this decade to this current date, that triangular relationship historic brought many important issues to international geopolitics, particularly those involving the Southern Cone of America and Africa. In that play of interests, the strategicdiplomatic and cultural universities’ role, of the civil society organizations, enterprises and institutions with mixed capital is too important because they are who forged the new Angolan group leader as the nation-state need contribution of human resources, scientific, technological and cultural order to consolidate their position as a regional power in southern Africa.
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This introductory text to the 40th Issue of "Pensamiento Propio" refers to the diversity in the search to expand and deepen democracy in the continent. Even after a decade of left-wing parties who prioritized implementing high-impact policies on social inequality which characterizes Latin America, the democratic deficit persists, both in the context of local and national governments and of the multilateral organizations of the hemisphere. Reflecting on the participation of civil society in the control of governments and the State in the past few decades is an absolute necessity for those who acknowledge the need to strengthen our political citizenship.
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC
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Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR
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The paper analyzes the regulatory framework for the Media in Brazil in the Federal Constitution and the nexus between democratization and constitutional process, interpreting relevant actors (government, political parties, civil society) and figured as the themes of communication and institutional political agenda. The obstacles to the regulation of many of the statements remain constitutional (right of communication; seal monopolies / oligopolies; regionalization of cultural production; nationalist character in control of broadcasting; compatibility between segments state, public and commercial; Social Communication Council), that replaces debate on the very principle of the right to communication regulation by analyzing the corresponding decisionmaking processes. This conflictual agenda-setting involves multiple interests, from strictly commercial aspirations of companies operating in this market, going by the increasing share of religious institutions who also want to expand upon practices of proselytizing until the interests of policy makers who also have control over a slice of that business.
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The text aims to show how Social Watch alternative site contributes to the construction of world citizenship to publish proposals for non-governmental organizations (NGOs), identified with groups excluded from traditional means of mass communication. The structure of the site is analyzed and studied in depth one of its publications, the Bulletin of August 2014, using some resources from the methodology of the framing and content analysis. The analysis shows that, in fact, the site is presented as place where civil society can express themselves and collect public power projects and proposals to increase the global citizenship.
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The hegemonic version of democracy is based on Schumpeter’s approach, a legacy of liberal pluralism that reduces the formation of legitimate majorities through representation. Nevertheless, the democratization of authoritarian countries has provided innovative experiences of civil society in new participatory formats. At the institutional level, the Statute of the City regulated the chapter of the Urban Policy of the Federal Constitution of 1988. It advocates participatory formats of public policies in urban management “through public participation and representative associations”. The construction of this agenda is the result of institutional imposition and it reflects the government decisions and civil society demands. This paper analyzes the participation, its ability to share decisions, and to what extent these participatory formats depend on governments for the implementation of new paradigms of urban management. The approach combines theoretical and empirical analysis of development processes of Master Plans normatively guided by the City Statute. The empirical basis is formed by three medium-sized cities in Sao Paulo state: Piracicaba, Bauru and Rio Claro.
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The objective of the present work is the construction of percentual indexes of sustainable development "Status" - PIDSD (%) aiming to order and classify the rural settlements, considering agricultural, socioeconomic and environmental aspects, in order to diagnose their sustainable reality. This way, we considered multivariate statistical procedure to establish analytical descriptors - indexes - like the principal components technique (CP). The CP technique was used in a matrix formed by 47 variables observed in 50 rural settlements, distributed in seven different regions of the state of Mato Grosso, obtained from diagnostics, provided by "Mato-Grossense" Enterprise of Research, Assistance and Rural Extension S/A - EMPAER - MT, in order to obtain the indexes used in the construction of PIDSD (%). The settlements with higher PIDSD (%) were considered "higher potential" or "higher sustainable" in relation to the analyzed variables, making the establishment of assistance strategies and cooperation possible, allowing the government and civil society in general, to improve those with worse results ("lower potential" or "lower sustainable"), and search for ways to strengthen and multiply the results of the "higher potential" settlements. Vale do Seringal settlement had the best conditions in relation to the variables, mainly those of higher weigh and was considered the one with "higher potential". São Sebastião had the worst conditions and was considered "lower potential".
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Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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This study analyzed the position of the Federal (Brazil), State (Sao Paulo), and municipal (Bauru, Sao Paulo) governments, civil society representatives, the regulated sector, and research associations concerning issues with fluoride content in foods. Analysis of the interviews (N = 15) used a qualitative methodology (collective subject discourse theory). Various central ideas were identified, including the need for stronger health surveillance in monitoring and controlling fluoride levels, educational measures, and more research in the area. The study concludes that the health surveillance approach to fluoride levels in foods is necessary, but still incipient. There is a mismatch between research output and surveillance. Regulation alone does not suffice to solve all the issues. Health risk communication and health education measures need to be implemented. Issues with fluoride on food labels need further research for the intervention to be effective.
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Trata-se de discutir as críticas a conceitos insuficientes de liberdade, tais como elas aparecem na Filosofia do direito, de Hegel. Com isto, espera-se expor os verdadeiros problemas que a teoria hegeliana do Estado procura resolver. Tais problemas permitem lançar novas luzes em alguns aspectos decisivos da teoria hegeliana do reconhecimento.
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The femicide in Ciudad Juárez is a story made of extreme violence against women for different reasons, by different actors, under different circumstances, and following different behavioural patterns. All within a gender discrimination frame based on the idea that women are inferior, interchangeable and disposable according to the patriarchal hierarchy still present in Mexico, but strongly reinforced by a sort of conspiracy of silence provoked either by the high impunity rate, the governmental incompetence to solve the crimes, or the general indifference of the population. It is the story of hundreds of kidnapped, raped, in many cases tortured, and murdered young women in the border between Mexico and the United States. The murders first came into light in 1993 and up to now young women continue to “disappear” without any hope of bringing the perpetrators to justice, stopping impunity, convicting the assassins, and bringing justice to the families of the deceased girls and women. The main questions about femicide in Ciudad Juárez seem to be: why were they brutally assassinated?, why most of the crimes have not been solved yet?, why and how is Ciudad Juárez different from other border cities with the same characteristics?, which powers are behind those crimes in a city that implies mainly women as its labor force, and which has the lowest unemployment rate in the whole country? But there are also many other questions dealing more with the context, the Juarences’ lifestyles, the eventual hidden powers behind the crimes, the possible murderers’ reasons, the response of the local civil society, or the international community actions to fight against femicide there, among many other things, that are still waiting for an answer and that this paper will ‘narrate’ in order to provide a holistic panorama for the readers. But above all there is the need to remember that every single woman or girl assassinated there had a name, an identity, a family, a story to be told time after time and as many times as necessary, in order to avoid accepting these crimes just as statistics, as cold numbers that might make us forget the human tragedy that has been flagellating the city since 1993. We must remember as well that their deaths express gender oppression, the inequality of the relations between what is male and what is female, a manifestation of domination, terror, social extermination, patriarchal hegemony, social class and impunity. The city is the perfect mirror where all the contradictions of globalization get reflected. It is there where all the globalization evils are present and survive by sucking their women’s blood. It is a city where some concepts such as gender, migration and power are closely related with a negative connotation.