826 resultados para Constitutional Principles


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Background: Proposals to implement fatigue-management strategies in residency education assume that medicine shares the view
of other risk-adverse industries that fatigue is hazardous. This view is an essential underpinning of fatigue-management strategies
that other industries have embedded as part of their workplace occupational health and safety programs. We sought to explore how
residents understand fatigue in the context of their training environment.

Methods: We interviewed 21 residents in 7 surgical and nonsurgical programs at Western University in 2014. All participants met the
inclusion criteria of routinely working 24-hour call shifts while enrolled in their training program. Data collection and analysis occurred iteratively in keeping with constructivist grounded theory methodology and informed theoretical sampling to sufficiency.

Results: Four predominant principles of fatigue captured how the social learning environment shaped residents’ perceptions of
fatigue. These included the conceptualization of fatigue as (a) inescapable and therefore accepted, (b) manageable through experience, (c) necessary for future practice and (d) surmountable when required.

Interpretation: This study elaborates our understanding of how principles of fatigue are constructed and reinforced by the training
environment. Whereas fatigue is seen as a collective hazard in other industries, our data showed that, in residency training, fatigue
may be seen as a personal challenge. Consequently, fatigue-management strategies that conceptualize fatigue as an occupational
threat may have a limited impact on resident behaviour and patient safety.

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Tese de doutoramento, Farmácia (Tecnologia Farmacêutica), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Farmácia, 2014

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A previous paper showed that young children performed better when working as individuals rather than in pairs on a drill and practice program. This paper reports an analysis of behaviour and talk for individuals and single sex pairs using a computer-based drill and practice activity to explain differences in performance. Results indicated that individuals were more likely to be task-focused and to complete tasks successfully than children working in pairs. Differences were found in off-task activity, behaviours and type of talk. Grouping and verbal interaction are discussed in relation to the type of task/program that children are asked to undertake, and how both task and peer presence may constrain the child's task focus and performance when reinforcing pre-existing knowledge.

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US presidents have expanded executive power in times of war and emergency,sometimes aggressively so. This article builds on the application of punctuated equilibria theory by Burnham (1999 and Ackerman (1999). Underpinning this theory is the notion that rapid changes in - or external shocks to - domestic and international society impose new and insistent demands on the state. In so doing, they produce important and decisive moments of institutional mobilization and creativity, disrupt a pre-existing, relatively stable, equilibrium between the Congress and the president, and precipitate decisions or nondecisions by the electorate and political leaders that define the contours for action when the next crisis or external shock occurs. The article suggests that the combination of President George W. Bush's presidentialist doctrine, 9/11 and the 'war' on terror has consolidated a new, constitutional equilibrium. While some members of Congress contest the new order, the Congress collectively has acquiesced in its own marginalization. The article surveys a wide range of executive power assertions and legislative retreats. It argues that power assertions generally draw on precedent: on, for example, a tradition of wartime presidential extraconstitutional leadership extending to presidents, such as John Adams and Abraham Lincoln,as well as to Cold War and post-Cold War presidentialism.

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In the build up to general elections there is invariably a wealth of discourse on constitutional and transitional issues and even on the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of the civil service, but rarely is there any debate on the manner in which politicians manage the government machine. This article seeks to address this deficiency. It examines the operational factors common to the core executive, assesses the problems usually associated with the government as an organization and reviews alternative solutions. Finally, it offers managerially oriented advice, reasoning that it is the role of policy analysts to prescribe and that it is irresponsible to ignore this function. it is clearly emphasized that management solutions are not synonymous with business solutions. The article draws on universal principles of management, seeking to avoid normative suggestions and concentrating instead on practical considerations. Those considerations include personnel selection, collective responsibility, leadership style, organizational structure and team mentality. The conclusion is that strong managerially based leadership should not be dismissed as incompatible with the political constraints placed upon Prime Ministers but rather it should e the predominant impulse.

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Neste artigo, descrevo e analiso uma actividade de trabalho em grupo desenvolvida para uma aula da disciplina de Língua Inglesa VI das turmas do 3º ano do Curso de Línguas e Secretariado do Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto (ISCAP). No enquadramento teórico, abordam-se questões relacionadas com o trabalho em grupo numa aula de língua estrangeira, nomeadamente a dimensão social da sala de aula em geral e da interacção aluno-aluno em particular. Apresentam-se então os princípios da Exploratory Practice, com ênfase na possibilidade preconizada por esta abordagem de se poder transformar uma actividade de reflexão e discussão sobre o processo de ensino/aprendizagem numa unidade pedagógica. Segue-se a apresentação da proposta didáctica, respectivo plano de aula e alguns exemplos dos textos produzidos pelos alunos. O artigo termina com a apresentação de alguns comentários críticos, realçando-se a contribuição da Exploratory Practice para o desenvolvimento de uma maior consciencialização por parte dos alunos do seu processo de aprendizagem.

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ISSN 1577-4430, com fator de impacto, calculado pelo IN-RECS (http://ec3.ugr.es/in-recj/ii/Derecho_Civil-2010.htm), Bases de dados de indexação: LATINDEX, DIALNET, ISOC, COMLUDOC e AGRIS]

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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Technologic and socio-economic mutations have always determined challenges not only to lawyers, but to law itself. These phenomena have occurred specially when trying to deal with the hard task of finding solutions for the current increasing mismatch of social interests, for example, bank secrecy and money laundering. Usually occurring simultaneously, they are typical examples of outcomes generated by technological and socio-economic innovations that have become fashionable and captured international attention. At the same time, bank secrecy and money laundering support interests belonging to different dimensions, deserving to be balanced in the light of the heterogeneous mechanisms provided by the law to its practitioners and society as a hole. In order to achieve an outcome in accordance with the Rule of Law´s principles, lawyers´ tools are consequently subordinated to constitutional and social justice. Guided by this purpose, we performed the present study, aiming to analyse bank secrecy and money laundering in the light of the current stablished juridical procedures. We intended to develop a prudent point of view that is also in accordance with social reality. In sum, we demonstrate that bank secrecy should adopt a flexible character, embedding new settings and following the socio-economic path in a globalized world with constant innovations.

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This study examines the quantification of compensation for non-pecuniary damage, awarded by means of judicial decisions based on equity, and seeks to verify whether such calculation safeguards legal certainty and predictability when applying the law, as well as whether it observes the principles of proportionality and equality. Firstly, the limits for discretionary judgment permitted to the judge were determined, by evaluating the criteria established under the law. Then, by examining the grounds of the judicial decisions in cases that had been selected beforehand, this study sought to detect operation modes in concrete considerations of equity used by judges. The examination of the grounds on which these judicial decisions are based permitted the comprehension of the calculation method used in each case and the observation that the criteria of compensatory nature, such as the extent of the damage and the respective consequences, assumed a primary role. Despite discrepancies in viewpoints with regard to certain issues of law, the jurisprudence examined reveals that great care is taken to consider the solutions reached in similar cases, in an attempt to ensure that the different criteria applied in the quantification of compensation are given uniform relevance. The comparison of decisions, reported to cases with similar legal contours, did not reveal relevant discrepancies in the calculation criteria used, nor are they disproportionate regarding the amount of compensation awarded, which means that resorting to equity, in determining the compensation to be awarded due to nonpecuniary damage, does not jeopardize legal certainty or predictability when applying the law, and observes the principle of proportionality, which is anchored in the constitutional principle of equality. The study performed, led to the conclusion that the grounds on which judicial decisions are based, by itemising the elements which are taken into account and the criteria adopted by the judge, allow these to be taken into consideration in similar cases, contributing towards uniform interpretation and application of the law, ensuring legal certainty and predictability when resorting to equity while quantifying compensation.

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Tax evasion and fraud threaten the economic and social objectives of modern tax systems, precluding the state funding for the satisfaction of collective needs and the fair distribution of wealth, being a violation of basic principles and values of our society. In tax law, to give tax administration the necessary powers to supervise and control the information provided by taxpayers and combat tax evasion and fraud, over the last years the grounds for a derogation of bank secrecy without judicial authorization have been extended, which raises some constitutional compatibility issues. Similarly, this tendency of making this legal regime more flexible and increasing automatic exchange of information has been followed by the European Union and the international community. Banking secrecy, as a professional secrecy, is an instrument to protect the right to privacy but also appears as an anti-abuse and repressive mechanism of evasive and fraudulent behaviors. Because of the conflict of interests will always be necessary to make a practical agreement between them, ensuring the legality and the due guarantees of the taxpayers but also an effective way to combat tax evasion and fraud. Bank secrecy cannot be one method to, behind the right to privacy, taxpayers practice illegal activities. But the practice of these irregular conducts also does not justify a total annihilation of the right to banking secrecy, uncovering all documents and bank information’s. Although considering the legislative changes, the administrative derogation of bank secrecy will always be what the tax administration does of it.

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Portugal is one of the countries that has a constitutional regime of immunity. This protects certain individuals in political positions from prosecution under the law. These individuals are said to have a privileged status when compared to ordinary citizens. The purpose of this study is to examine the immunities enjoyed by President, the members of Parliament and the government ministers. The regime of immunities can be found to generate a certain sense of injustice and feelings of mistrust since the individual can not, albeit temporarily, be held criminally responsible for criminal conduct. It is urgent, therefore, to find a consistent justification with the principles and values of the Criminal Law. The Parliament is the place of the exercise of democratic power and, therefore, a member of Parliament assumes a central position in parliamentary activity. For this reason, it will be necessary to determine analysis to determine the meaning the prerogative of criminal irresponsibility. One question that must be asked is to know how the dogmatic plan that the immunities of the political organs of sovereignty must be seen.

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Consabido que para uma sociedade organizada se desenvolver política e juridicamente, indispensável se faz a existência de um documento formal, dotado de observância obrigatória, capaz de definir as competências públicas e delimitar os poderes do Estado, resguardando os direitos fundamentais de eventuais abusos dos entes políticos. Este documento é a Constituição, que, em todos os momentos da história, sempre se fez presente nos Estados, mas, inicialmente, não de forma escrita, o que fez com que surgisse, então, o constitucionalismo, movimento que defendia a necessidade de elaboração de constituições escritas, munidas de normatividade e supremacia em relação às demais espécies normativas, que visassem organizar a separação dos poderes estatais e declarar os direitos e as liberdades individuais. Porém, de nada adiantaria a edição de uma Lei Maior sem que houvesse mecanismos de defesa, no intuito de afastar qualquer ameaça à segurança jurídica e à estabilidade social, por conta de alguma lei ou ato normativo contrário aos preceitos estabelecidos na Constituição. O controle de constitucionalidade, pilar do Estado de Direito, consiste em verificar a compatibilidade entre uma lei ou qualquer ato normativo infraconstitucional e a Lei Excelsa e, em havendo contraste, a lei ou o ato viciado deverá ser expurgado do ordenamento jurídico, para que a unidade constitucional seja restabelecida. No Brasil, o controle de constitucionalidade foi instituído sob forte influência do modelo norte-americano e obteve diversos tratamentos ao longo das constituições brasileiras, porém, o sistema de fiscalização de constitucionalidade teve seu ápice com o advento da atual Constituição Federal, promulgada em 05.10.88, com a criação de instrumentos processuais inovadores destinados à verificação da constitucionalidade das leis e atos normativos. Além disso, a Carta da República de 1988, ao contrário das anteriores, fortaleceu a figura do Poder Judiciário no contexto político, conferindo, assim, maior autonomia aos magistrados na solução de casos de grande repercussão nacional, redundando em um protagonismo judicial atual. Nesse contexto, o Supremo Tribunal Federal, órgão de cúpula do Judiciário nacional e guardião da Constituição, tem se destacado no cenário nacional, em especial na defesa dos direitos e garantias fundamentais insculpidos na Lei Fundamental, fazendo-se necessária, desta forma, uma análise na jurisprudência da Corte, no sentido de verificar se, de fato, tem havido evolução no controle de constitucionalidade no Brasil ao longo dos últimos anos e, em caso afirmativo, em que circunstâncias isso tem se dado.