808 resultados para persuasion (rhetoric)


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This paper argues that the modern barn in Ireland is a complex social and architectural phenomena that is without, or has yet to find, a satisfactory discourse. Emerging in the middle third of the twentieth century, the modern barn – replete with corrugated iron and I-sections – continues to represent a presence in the Irish landscape whose ubiquity is as emphatic as its flexibility. It is, however, its universal properties that begin to suggest connections with wider narratives. The modernising aspects of the barn that appear in the 1920s and 30s begin to conflate with a rhetoric of architectural modernism which was simultaneously appearing across Europe. But while the relationship between high modernism’s critique of what it divined as the inspirational qualities of utilitarian buildings – Walter Gropius on grain silos, Le Corbusier on aircraft hangers etc. – has been well-documented, in Ireland this relationship perhaps contains another layer of complexity.
The barn’s consolidation as a modern type coincided with the search for a nation’s cultural identity after centuries of colonial rule. This tended to be an introspective vision that prioritised rural space over urban space, agriculture over industry, and imagined the small farm as a central tenet in the construction of a new State. This paper suggests that the twentieth-century barn – as a product of the mechanisation of agriculture promoted by the new administrations – is an iconic structure, emblematic of attempts to reconcile the contradictory forces and imagery of modernity with the mores of a traditional society. Moreover, given a cultural purview that was often ambivalent or even hostile to the ideologies and forms of modernity, the barn in Ireland is, perhaps, not so much the inspiration but the realisation of an architectural modernism in that country at its most pervasive, enduring and unself-conscious.

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Much of the recent literature on youth justice has focused on administrative aspects of the system and the socio-political contexts that have led to the ‘production’ of the youthful offender as a subject and locus of intervention. This has largely been driven by the extent to which youth justice has been crafted as a distinct penal sphere, evident in its unyoking from universal children’s services (Muncie and Goldson, 2013) and the establishment of separate agencies to administer and govern this ‘system’ (Souhami, 2014). Driven by policy hyperactivity and a plethora of legislation expanding the reach of the system, for much of the 1990s and 2000s increasing numbers of young people were brought under its gaze.

Particular attention has been paid to the impact of neo-liberal governance on the discourses, rationales and philosophies underpinning contemporary youth justice policy and practice. Writing specifically in the English and Welsh context, several authors have identified that the resulting ‘system’ embodies multiple, contradictory and competing discourses (Muncie, 2006; Fergusson, 2007; Gray, 2013). Within this ‘melting pot’ Fergusson (2007) notes the disjuncture between policy rhetoric, implementation and lived experience and Phoenix (2015) argues that systems-based analyses, much in favour amongst academics, foreclose a wider consideration of questions of what ‘justice’ actually means.

Recent attention towards the perspectives of practitioners working in this sphere has pointed to greater nuances than broader penal narratives suggest (see: Field, 2007; Briggs, 2013; Gray, 2013; Kelly and Armitage, 2015). Yet similar attention has not been given to experiences of youth justice (for an exception see – Phoenix and Kelly, 2013). However, it is precisely young people’s experiences, which would add significantly to current knowledge and potentially bridge the gap between discussions about penal philosophies, how youth justice policies are framed, how they are enacted and how they are experienced.

This chapter provides an overview of recent developments in the field of youth justice and penality in the United Kingdom. The chapter argues that a theoretical focus on macro-level trends (Hannah-Moffat and Lynch, 2012), alongside a narrowly defined research agenda, have largely excluded young people’s experiences of justice and punishment from contemporary analysis. Drawing on young people experiences of different aspects of youth justice in Northern Ireland and beyond, the chapter illuminates what a close understanding of lived experience can add to knowledge. In particular it demonstrates that the effects of interventions can be different to their aims and intentions; and that re-instating the youth experience can add support to calls for greater attention to wider issues of social justice.

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A presente investigação, que tem os professores como figura central, constitui um trabalho de problematização sobre o impacto que as políticas educativas dos últimos dez anos têm tido na (re)definição da profissão e do trabalho docente. Num tempo marcado por rápidas e profundas mudanças económicas, políticas, sociais e culturais, os professores defrontam-se com novas situações, novos saberes e novas conceções pedagógicas. Por este motivo, impôs-se a preocupação académica de compreender o modo como os professores encaram a existência de novas exigências e dos desafios constantes com que são confrontados, lidam com eles, definem estratégias e finalidades de ação, enunciando os seus compromissos profissionais, os seus saberes e os modos de ser e de estar na profissão. Assim, a reflexão em torno das políticas educativas e do trabalho docente adquire uma importância inquestionável como uma problemática essencial para se compreender os sentidos da escola, das suas finalidades educativas e da ação dos professores. A investigação permitiu concluir que o Estado, agora avaliador, tende a abandonar o ideal de igualdades de oportunidades para o objetivo de igualdade dos resultados, onde sobressai o desenvolvimento de uma política educativa assente na lógica da eficácia e da competição. Concluiu-se, ainda, que a intensificação e a complexificação das tarefas que incumbem aos professores e o aumento exponencial de dispositivos burocráticos no exercício da profissão configuram a emergência de novas formas de governo e de controlo da profissão, contribuindo também para a sua desqualificação. Neste contexto, as relações profissionais que os docentes estabelecem entre si, o recentrar da escola na aprendizagem dos alunos e o conhecimento profissional dos professores são encarados pela autora como cruciais para a configuração de uma nova profissionalidade docente e para o desenvolvimento de perspetivas educacionais progressistas e emancipatórias. Foi intencional a opção por uma metodologia qualitativa, apoiada num paradigma que valoriza as vozes dos indivíduos que falam, quer o sujeito que, na sua qualidade de investigador, ouve ou lê a fala do narrador e a interpreta num encontro de subjetividades. Elegeu-se como estratégias de recolha de informação as entrevistas semiestruturadas e a aplicação de inquérito por questionário, na tentativa de recolher toda a riqueza subjetiva de quem neles se diz e de ultrapassar a velha aporia entre métodos quantitativos e qualitativos.

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A autonomia para as escolas públicas do Ensino Básico e Secundário em Portugal, prevista desde 1989, tem sido sistematicamente adiada enquanto a retórica do discurso político a vai alimentando, sem contudo, proceder à sua implementação. Em 2007, a coberto do DL n.º 115-A/98, de 4 de maio, avançou-se para a assinatura de 22 contratos de autonomia (CA) com escolas e agrupamentos pelo que, este trabalho de investigação se propõe avaliar alguns dos efeitos e resultados desta medida de política educativa. Este estudo no âmbito do doutoramento em Didática e Formação – Ramo Avaliação, comporta uma primeira avaliação exploratória ao desenvolvimento dos 22 CA a que se segue uma avaliação ao desenvolvimento do CA numa escola secundária e num agrupamento de escolas, numa abordagem de caso duplo. Neste projeto de investigação, construímos um dispositivo de avaliação com o qual procuramos identificar evidências dos efeitos da autonomia contratualizada. Na fase exploratória, analisando CA e as respostas a questionário enviado aos diretores com CA, efetuamos uma aproximação global à problemática. Na segunda fase, efetuamos entrevistas a dirigentes intermédios e de topo de uma Escola Secundária e de um Agrupamento de Escolas com CA e analisamos documentos. Com o referencial construído estabelecemos categorias de análise obtendo resultados que nos permitem compreender alguns efeitos da assinatura do CA ao nível das Organizações participantes. Os resultados obtidos indicam, o cumprimento dos objetivos da contratualização gerando-se novas dinâmicas. São notórias as diferenças no cumprimento de critérios, daí que a sustentabilidade da autonomia se perspetive diferente para cada Organização face a diferentes pontos de partida. Pode afirmar-se, face aos resultados, que os efeitos da contratualização são positivos e que esta contribuiu para a melhoria da qualidade na prestação do serviço público de educação. Contudo, existem debilidades no que diz respeito à intervenção dos parceiros educativos e a mecanismos de avaliação para que deixamos sugestões de melhoria no âmbito da continuação da autonomia contratualizada. Para futura investigação deixamos também sugestão de estudo de eventuais aprofundamentos da autonomia bem como da sua sustentabilidade.

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The years between 1945 and the early 1980s are the most celebrated in Italy’s design history. From the rhetoric of reconstruction to the postmodern provocations of the Memphis design collective, Italy’s architects played a vital role in shaping the country’s encounter with post-war modernity. Yet as often as this story has been told, it is incomplete. Craft was vital to the realisation of post-war Italian design, and an area of intense creativity in its own right, and yet has been marginalised and excluded in design historiography.

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This paper examines the roles of research in teacher education across the four nations of the United Kingdom. Both devolution and on-going reviews of teacher education are facilitating a greater degree of cross-national divergence. England is becoming a distinct outlier, in which the locus for teacher education is moving increasingly away from Higher Education Institutions and towards an ever-growing number of school-based providers. While the idea of teaching as a research-based profession is increasingly evident in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, it seems that England, at least in respect of the political rhetoric, recent reforms and explicit definitions, is fixed on a contrastingly divergent trajectory towards the idea of teaching as a craft-based occupation, with a concomitant emphasis on a (re)turn to the practical. It is recommended that research is urgently needed to plot these divergences and to examine their consequences for teacher education, educational research and professionalism.

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This article examines prison education in England and Wales arguing that a disjuncture exists between the policy rhetoric of entitlement to education in prison at the European level and the playing out of that entitlement in English and Welsh prisons. Caught between conflicting discourses around a need to combat recidivism and a need for incarceration, prison education in England exists within a policy context informed, in part, by an international human rights agenda on the one hand and global recession, financial cutbacks, and a moral panic about crime on the other. The European Commission has highlighted a number of challenges facing prison education in Europe including over‐crowded institutions, increasing diversity in prison populations, the need to keep pace with pedagogical changes in mainstream education and the adoption of new technologies for learning (Hawley et al., 2013). These are challenges confronting all policy makers involved in prison education in England and Wales in a policy context that is messy, contradictory and fiercely contested. The article argues that this policy context, exacerbated by socio‐economic discourses around neo‐liberalism, is leading to a race‐to‐the‐bottom in the standards of educational provision for prisoners in England and Wales.

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Tese de doutoramento, Educação (Administração e Política Educacional), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2014

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Tese de doutoramento, Estudos de Literatura e de Cultura (Teoria da Literatura), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2014

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Tese de doutoramento, História («Impérios, Colonialismo e Pós-Colonialismo»), Universidade de Lisboa, ISCTE - Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, Universidade Católica Portuguesa e Universidade de Évora, 2014

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2012

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This article examines education reform under the first government of Northern Ireland (1921–5). This embryonic period offered the Ulster Unionist leadership a chance to construct a more inclusive society, one that might diminish sectarian animosities, and thereby secure the fledgling state through cooperation rather than coercion. Such aspirations were severely tested by the ruling party’s need to secure the state against insurgency, and, more lastingly, to assuage the concerns of its historic constituency. The former led to a draconian security policy, the latter to a dependency on populist strategies and rhetoric. It is argued here, however, that this dependency was not absolute until July 1925. Before that, the Belfast government withstood growing pressure from populist agitators to reverse controversial aspects of its education reforms, only relenting when Protestant disaffection threatened the unity of the governing party and the existence of the state.

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In the past two decades governments in Britain have launched a series of initiatives designed to reduce the disparities between areas of affluence and deprivation. These initiatives were funded by central government and were delivered through a series of partnership boards operating at the neighbourhood level in areas with high levels of deprivation. Drawing on similar approaches in the US War on Poverty, the engagement of residents in the planning and delivery of projects was a major priority. This chapter draws on the national evaluations of three of these programmes in England: the Single Regeneration Budget, the New Deal for Communities and the Neighbourhood Management Pathfinders. The chapter begins by identifying the common characteristics of these programmes, known as area-based initiatives because they targeted areas of concentrated deprivation with a population of about 10,000 people each. It then goes on to discuss the three national programmes and summarises the main findings in relation to how far key indicators changed for the better. The final section sets out the ways in which policy objectives changed in 2010 after the election of a coalition government. This produced a shift to what was called the ‘Big Society’ where the rhetoric favoured a transfer of power away from central government towards the local, neighbourhood, level. This approach favoured self-help and a call to volunteering rather than channelling resources to the areas in greatest need. The chapter closes by reviewing the relatively modest achievements of this centralist, big-state approach to distressed neighbourhoods of 1990–2010.

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It is a commonplace that the labour movement was somehow nurtured within the witness for liberty of the Free Churches. Exploring this at a range of levels - including organisation, rhetoric, policies, electoral politics and people - this book demonstrates the extent to which this remained a reality into the inter-war years. The distinctive religious setting in which it emerged indeed helps to explain the differences between Labour and more Marxist counterparts on the Continent. It is shown here that this setting continued to influence Labour approaches towards welfare, nationalisation and industrial relations between the wars. In the process Labour also adopted some of the righteousness of tone of the Free Churches. This setting was, however, changing. Dropping their traditional suspicion of the State, Nonconformists instead increasingly invested it with religious values, turning it through its growing welfare functions into the provider of practical Christianity. This nationalisation of religion continues to shape British attitudes to the welfare state as well as imposing narrowly utilitarian and material tests of relevance upon the churches and other social institutions. The elevation of the State was not, however, intended as an end in itself. What mattered were the social and individual outcomes. Socialism, for those Free Churchmen and women who helped to shape Labour in the early twentieth century, was about improving society as much as systems.

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Where is the consumer represented within the discourses of Relationship Marketing? In our paper we deconstruct and critically (but productively) interrogate current Relationship Marketing discourse; and we argue for reconceptualising RM as a field of study through a transformatory process which involves the subversive reading of its academic texts. We argue that the consumer is silenced within relationship marketing discourse in a way that is fundamentally analogous with the gynopia (absence of women) in early sociological enquiry. Given that the means of transformation can potentially be found within contemporary feminist research, one of the main aims of this paper is to examine the parameters of feminist research and theory by presenting and explaining three representative frameworks (Fonow & Cook 1991, Maynard & Purvis 1994 and Harding 1988). The interrogative questions generated from the reading of feminist texts provide a framework to enable a close reading of RM ‘texts’. Using a form of discourse analysis, we read both ‘with the text’ and ‘against the grain’ (Tonkiss 1998:258) looking for ‘silences and gaps’ and making ‘conjectures about alternative accounts which are excluded by omission’ as well as those deliberately ‘countered by rhetoric’ (Tonkiss 1998:258). By striking together feminist methodology and a selected Relationship Marketing text to see if they spark (Brown 1999) our stance is activist and our purpose is to accelerate a restoration of the consumer’s voice as a central theoretical concern of this branch of Marketing.