Of Marx and Makers: an Historical Perspective on Generative Justice

In Marxist frameworks “distributive justice” depends on extracting value through a centralized state. Many new social movements—peer to peer economy, maker activism, community agriculture, queer ecology, etc.—take the opposite approach, keeping value in its unalienated form and allowing it to freely circulate from the bottom up. Unlike Marxism, there is no general theory for bottom-up, unalienated value circulation. This paper examines the concept of “generative justice” through an historical contrast between Marx’s writings and the indigenous cultures that he drew upon. Marx erroneously concluded that while indigenous cultures had unalienated forms of production, only centralized value extraction could allow the productivity needed for a high quality of life. To the contrary, indigenous cultures now provide a robust model for the “gift economy” that underpins open source technological production, agroecology, and restorative approaches to civil rights. Expanding Marx’s concept of unalienated labor value to include unalienated ecological (nonhuman) value, as well as the domain of freedom in speech, sexual orientation, spirituality and other forms of “expressive” value, we arrive at an historically informed perspective for generative justice. 

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies How parties organize in the 21st century

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

Medborgarmönstringen inom högern 1915–1936 : En begreppshistorisk och diskursorienterad undersökning av medborgarbegreppets utbredning, mening och funktion inom Allmänna valmansförbundet

During the 1920s and 1930s, the Swedish right-wing party Allmänna valmansförbundet (AVF) made citizen into a key concept within their political vocabulary and practice. This thesis examines the distribution, meaning and function of the concept of citizen within the AVF between 1915 and 1936. By using theoretical and methodological perspectives from both the English (Skinner) and German (Koselleck) side of conceptual history vis-à-vis Begriffsgeschischte, this study illuminates how a discursive framework took place within the AVF and expanded throughout the organisation. The constitutional reforms 1918/1921 and the organisational strength from opposite parties, stressed the importance for the AVF to assemble the citizens around conservative value laden concepts: responsibility, ansvar, and public participation, offentlighet. This new situation in political and social life, pushed the AVF towards a reorganisation. The aim was to educate the masses, women and youth into conservative citizens. Citizen became the sole tool in (i) upholding the traditional heritage between folk–state, and (ii) enabling the AVF citizen discourse to spread throughout the society. This study shows the multiple meaning and functions of the citizen concept within the AVF.  It provides a new understanding of how collective concepts became an important part of the struggle for power during the democratization process in Swedish political history and must in that respect be seen as an antithesis to the collective concepts of the Social Democratic Party during this period.  

A Ouvidoria Pública como instrumento de controle das ações da Secretaria de Saúde do Pará

The State and Public Administration have gone through several reforms in search of a quick operation and the provision of services with quality. With the democratization of the country and the issue of the Constitution in 1988, further reform of the State and Public Administration, joined the government agenda in 1995 and included among its objectives, the principles of participation and social control. In view of this, it raises the Public Ombudsman in order to be a channel for the participation of users in the management of public affairs, social control, transparency of administrative actions, improving the quality of service and meeting the needs of the community. The aim of this study is to assess whether the Ombudsman of the State Department of Public Health to contribute to the period 2006-2008, for the improvement of specialized consulting services. The research is characterized as descriptive, qualitative approach. The collection technique used was the interview, conducted with 37 service users and two servants of the Ombudsman. The analysis was developed based on the perception of users and servers in the opinion of the Ombudsman. The most relevant results of the research showed that 41% of users search the Ombudsman because they believed that solve the problem presented. However, even with this level of public acceptance, the Ombudsman reached average index of resolvability of 53% in the period. In his role has not developed mechanisms for quality control of services, which is mentioned by 67% of users. It turned out the same fact in relation to popular participation, which is confirmed by 84% of users. For 24% of users, the problems raised were resolved, and of these, 56% believe that the Ombudsman has contributed to the positive outcome. As a result of the search results, it appears that the Ombudsman's SESPA / PA, is not fulfilling its role to ensuring the democratization of articipation in management, social control and has limited contribution to solving the problems of users and to improve the quality of services

Democratização do acesso ao ensino superior: os cursos de graduação à distância na UFRN

This thesis pursuits to contextualize the theoretical debate between the implementation of public education policy of the Federal Government focused in a distance learning and legal foundations for its enforcement, in order to raise questions and comments on the topic in question. Its importance is back to provide scientific input and can offer to the academy, particularly in the UFRN, and elements of society to question and rethink the complex relationship between the socio-economic and geographic access to higher education. It consists of a descriptive study on the institutionalization of distance education in UFRN as a mechanism for expanding access to higher education, for both, the research seeks to understand if the distance undergraduate courses offered by the UAB system and implemented at UFRN, promote expanding access to higher education, as it is during implementation that the rules, routines and social processes are converted from intentions to action. The discussion of this study lasted between two opposing views of Implementation models: Top-down and Bottom-up. It is worth noting that the documents PNE, PDE and programs and UAB MEETING reflect positively in improving the educational level of the population of the country It is a qualitative study, using the means Bibliographic, Document and Field Study, where they were performed 04 (four) in 2010 interviews with the management framework SEDIS / UAB in UFRN. The data were analyzed and addressed through techniques: Document Analysis and Content Analysis. The results show that the process of implementation of distance education at UFRN is in progress. According to our results, the research objective is achieved, but there was a need to rethink the conditions of the infrastructure of poles, the structure of the academic calendar, the management of the SEDIS UFRN, regarding the expansion of existing vacancies and the supply of new courses by the need for a redesign as the Secretariat's ability to hold the offerings of undergraduate courses offered by the Federal Government to be implemented in the institution. It was also found that levels of evasion still presents a challenge to the teaching model. Given the context, we concluded that the greatest contribution of UAB and consequently UFRN by distance learning for undergraduate courses (Bachelor in Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Geography and Biological Sciences, beyond the bachelor's degrees in Business and Public Administration ) is related to increasing the number of vacancies and accessibility of a population that was previously deprived of access to university

Os programas de incentivo à cultura e o processo de fomento às organizações culturais no Rio Grande do Norte: o caso da Casa da Ribeira em Natal

Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

Developmental TVET rhetoric in-action: the White Paper for post-school education and training in South Africa

This paper explores the extent to which latest developments in the Technical and Vocational Education and Training System in South Africa respond to key principles espoused for a developmental, democratic and inclusionary ideal. The White Paper for post school education and training approved by Cabinet in November, 2013 is referred to by the Minister as the “definitive statement of the governments vision for the post school system” and as such represents a crucial strategy document intended to chart the TVET direction to 2030. Using key theoretical constructs from development theory, this paper provides an assessment of the TVET strategy contained is the paper and explores the extent to which it does respond to the agenda defined by the promise. It is argued that the challenges outlined are not yet able to provide the blueprint for a TVET transformative vision. It is concluded that while the development rhetoric contained in the paper is plausible, the creative tinkering of the system is unlikely to lead to the radical revisioning necessary for a truly transformative TVET system. The underlying assumptions regarding purpose, impact and outcome will need to be carefully reconsidered if the system is to be responsive to the promises of the democratic developmental ideal to which the government is committed. (DIPF/Orig.)

Aplicação de técnicas de classificação em séries temporais

Hoje, há um interesse crescente pela aprendizagem de uma segunda língua, quer seja por razões profissionais ou pessoais. Esta é uma tendência que se vai afirmando num mundo cada vez mais interconectado. Por outro lado, a democratização das tecnologias computacionais torna possível pensar em desenvolver novas técnicas de ensino de línguas mais automatizadas e personalizadas. Esta dissertação teve como objetivo estudar e implementar um conjunto de técnicas de processamento de sinal e de classificação de séries temporais úteis para o desenvolvimento de metodologias do ensino oral com feedback automático. São apresentados resultados preliminares sobre a prestação destas técnicas, e avaliada a viabilidade deste tipo de abordagem.

Comunicação em MOOC: estratégias e recursos comunicacionais adotados em cursos MOOC

A comunicação é essencial para a vida em sociedade. Na atualidade, com o desenvolvimento de novas formas e possibilidades tecnológicas a comunicação se faz presente também no âmbito educacional utilizando as Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TIC) para atender às exigências sociais e educativas. No caso da educação on-line, os MOOC – Massive Open Online Courses, vêm ganhando destaque e constituem um modelo recente de educação e formação, com a possibilidade de democratização e acesso ao conhecimento e à informação, disponível a um número cada vez maior de pessoas. Neste sentido, o objetivo deste estudo é o de analisar as estratégias e recursos comunicacionais utilizados em cursos MOOC, visando elaborar diretrizes a ter em conta na construção de um curso desta natureza. Para tal, optou-se por uma investigação qualitativa, de natureza exploratória-descritiva, em que a revisão bibliográfica e a construção e aplicação de um modelo de análise dos recursos e estratégias comunicacionais utilizados nos cursos ofertados em plataformas MOOC, integram a metodologia do estudo. Como principais resultados destacamos que os vídeos e fóruns são os recursos mais utilizados nos cursos analisados, observando-se uma tendência de práticas mais empiristas e tradicionais, há pouca utilização de recursos lúdicos e uma ausência do uso de redes sociais como recurso comunicacional. Para além disso, não é utilizada a avaliação dos cursos pelos alunos e predominam as estratégias avaliativas de escolha múltipla. Visando compartilhar as experiências e reflexões advindas desta pesquisa, são apresentadas, ao final, recomendações que podem contribuir para a elaboração de cursos MOOC.

Les étrangers aux frontières de la France : étude de récits de migration (1870 à nos jours)

In this dissertation, I examine how migration narratives make an ambiguous contribution to the democratization of French national borders. National borders are essentially spaces of crises from which it is possible to study the constant evolution of national identity. Migration narratives, regardless of their ideological dimension, offer representations of the border and of the foreigner that result from a tension between the difficulty to think identity outside of the national frame and the questioning of such a strong tie between identity and the nation. At the border, identities are fundamentally unstable. The first part is focused on the north-eastern and the southern borders of France at the end of the 19th century. The French nationalist literature at the time, advocating for the return of Alsace-Lorraine to the Republic, is characterized by a tension between nationalism and regionalism. The ideology of latinity constitutes a second major feature of the discourse on French identity. Developed by Louis Bertrand, it claims that France can only be regenerated in Algeria. However, a gap between his fictional works and his essays reveals latinity as hybrid and heterogeneous. Borders are also polysemic, namely, they do have the same meaning for everyone. The second part of the dissertation focuses on the southern border of France from the 30s to the 90s. The study of films and novels demonstrate that former borders are still active, especially colonial borders. Finally, the third part of the dissertation addresses the representation of migrants who were trapped in the north of France, at the border of the Schengen area, from the 90s to 2009. Migration narratives bring attention to the totalitarian tendencies of the state, but they also struggle with the contradictions of the humanitarian discourse and the analogies made with previous immigration waves.

Autoritarismes étatiques et régulation religieuse du politique en République démocratique du Congo : analyse discursive de la parole épiscopale catholique sur les élections (1990-2015)

Centrée essentiellement autour de la parole épiscopale congolaise, la présente recherche porte sur les articulations de la religion et du politique dans une perspective limitée au catholicisme en RDC. En prenant pour base empirique la ville de Kinshasa, elle thématise les effets des dynamiques religieuses sur les fermentations sociales et les changements politiques dans un contexte d’autoritarisme. Celui-ci est, dans ce travail, problématisé comme le fait conjoint de l’institution étatique et de l’organisation religieuse catholique. Le choix de cette approche relationnelle basée sur les interactions entre religion et politique, permet d’inscrire ce travail dans le champ d’études des sciences des religions. L’approche retenue s’appuie également sur les avancées de la sociologie politique et éclaire la régulation religieuse du politique, rarement étudiée par les sciences humaines. Cette recherche s’inscrit donc à l’intersection entre l’histoire, la sociologie, les sciences politiques, l’anthropologie, l’analyse du discours, la philosophie et la théologie. Sa thèse centrale est organisée autour d’une question principale : comment la religion participe-t-elle à la régulation du politique dans le contexte d’autoritarisme caractéristique de la RDC ? La réponse à cette question croise l’approche fonctionnelle de la religion et l’analyse des déclarations institutionnelles de l’épiscopat congolais. Elle esquisse les relations entre, d’une part, contextes et événements sociopolitiques et d’autre part, discours et pratiques religieuses. Elle construit la scène religieuse à partir de la trajectoire sociopolitique, économique et culturelle de la RDC entre 1990 et 2015, sous les Présidents J.-D. Mobutu, L.-D. Kabila et J. Kabila. Elle étudie l'offre normative de sens de leurs éminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou et L. Monsengwo. L’analyse de la rhétorique de l’épiscopat sur les élections vérifie la plausibilité sociale et l’efficience politique de la parole épiscopale congolaise. Elle se ressource dans la pragmatique de la communication telle que mise en œuvre dans l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et dans celle du discours politique de P. Charaudeau. En mettant la focale sur l’objet linguistique « vérité des urnes », la recherche pose au niveau normatif, juridique et éthique, le problème de l’institutionnalisation d’un État de droit en RDC. Les élaborations sur ce dernier niveau s’articulent autour de l’inscription de l’éthique dans l’agir politique. L’examen des modes conventionnels d’action des chrétiens (élections de 2006 et 2011) et non conventionnels (marche des chrétiens de 1992 et 2012) conduit à éclairer les modes de reproduction ou de contestation de l’autoritarisme étatique par l’organisation religieuse. Il permet de promouvoir une démocratie des valeurs et d’action adossée à la parrhêsia. L’introduction de l’aléthique dans la vie publique donne à voir la parole épiscopale congolaise comme un discours ethopoïétique. C’est sur ce point précis que les élaborations de M. Foucault sur la parrhêsia aident à thématiser la capacité de la religion à informer et à influencer la démocratisation de la RDC. De là, la requête formulée pour un nouveau système d’action institutionnelle de l’organisation religieuse, susceptible de promouvoir le courage de la vérité en situation autoritaire. Cette innovation permet de tenir ensemble les valeurs démocratiques et les valeurs de l’Évangile, en les corrélant à la cohérence axiologique, à la probité morale et à l’intégrité existentielle des protagonistes de la démocratisation de la RDC.

From the human rights-based approach to an ecological approach on how to achieve successful inclusion in international disability education

The barriers that people with disabilities face around the world are not only inherent to the limitations resulting from the disability itself, but, more importantly, these barriers rest with the societal technologies of exclusion. Using a mixed methodology approach, I conduct a quest to revealing several societal factors that limit full participation of people with disabilities in their communities, which will contribute to understanding and developing a more comprehensive framework for full inclusion of people with disabilities into the society. First, I conduct a multiple regression analysis to seek whether there is a statistical relationship between the national level of development, the level of democratization, and the level of education within a country’s population on one hand, and expressed concern for and preparedness to improve the quality of life for people of disabilities on another hand. The results from the quantitative methodology reveal that people without disabilities are more prepared to take care of people with disabilities when the level of development of the country is higher, when the people have more freedom of expression and hold the government accountable for its actions, and when the level of corruption is under control. However, a greater concern for the well-being of people with disabilities is correlated with a high level of country development, a decreased value of political stability and absence of violence, a decreased level of government effectiveness, and a greater level of law enforcement. None of the dependent variables are significantly correlated with the level of education from a given country. Then, I delve into an interpretive analysis to understand multiple factors that contribute to the construction of attitudes and practices towards people with disabilities. In doing this, I build upon the four main principles outlined by the United Nations as strongly recommended to be embedded in all international programmes: (1) identification of claims of human rights and the corresponding obligations of governments, hence, I assess and analyze disability rights in education, looking at United Nation, United States, and European Union Perspectives Educational Rights Provisions for People with Disabilities (Ch. 3); (2) estimated capacity of individuals to claim their rights and of governments to fulfill their obligations, hence, I look at the people with disabilities as rights-holders and duty-bearers and discuss the importance of investing in special capital in the context of global development (Ch. 4); (3) programmes monitor and evaluate the outcomes and the processes under the auspices of human rights standards, hence, I look at the importance of evaluating the UN World Programme of Action Concerning People with Disabilities from multiple perspectives, as an example of why and how to monitor and evaluate educational human rights outcomes and processes (Ch. 5); and (4) programming should reflect the recommendations of international human rights bodies and mechanisms, hence, I focus on programming that fosters development of the capacity of people with disabilities, that is, planning for an ecology of disabilities and ecoducation for people with disabilities (Ch. 6). Results from both methodologies converge to a certain point, and they further complement each other. One common result for the two methodologies employed is that disability is an evolving concept when viewed in a broader context, which integrates the four spaces that the ecological framework incorporates. Another common result is that factors such as economic, social, legal, political, and natural resources and contexts contribute to the health, education and employment opportunities, and to the overall well-being of people with disabilities. The ecological framework sees all these factors from a meta-systemic perspective, where bi-directional interactions are expected and desired, and also from a human rights point of view, where the inherent value of people is upheld at its highest standard.

Krytycznie o metodologicznych przesłankach udziału naukowców w Międzynarodowym Programie PISA/OECD

My article is a succinct overview of macro-Polish governments’ evolution over 25 years of political transformation. It is presented from the perspective of education for democracy, in a democracy and not about democracy. I explain how Poles, after they got rid of the monistic doctrine of the totalitarian state, have become subjected to a covert process of democratization of education and the school system. I analyze public education, mechanisms and structures for its management in a way that counteracts democratic change. The school is subjected to political game-makers. It becomes an institution which is painfully ineffective and without a face. This institution destroys tradition and causes intellectual regression. There are threats to educational reforms which lie not only in the sociopolitical mechanisms, but also and perhaps primarily within the education system, which has not created procedures to eliminate Pharisees of innovation from it. After 25 years of transformation, the Polish educational system is not only partially reprivatized but highly bureaucratic and fully involved in political parties.

Hydroxyamidinates et polymères de coordination : suspicions et valences mixtes

Dans un contexte où l’énergie représente un enjeu majeur pour les pays et organisations à économies émergentes et développées, la recherche de nouvelles sources renouvelables et la démocratisation des vecteurs énergétiques permettant l’approvisionnement mondial de façon durable constitue un devoir pour la communauté scientifique internationale. D’ailleurs, il serait essentiel que les nombreuses disciplines de la chimie concertent leurs efforts. Plus particulièrement, la croissance de la recherche en chimie de coordination orientée vers la photosynthèse artificielle ainsi que le développement de matériaux fonctionnels démontre l’importance indéniable de ce champ de recherche. Ce travail présente dans un premier temps l’étude des différentes voies de synthèse d’hydroxyamidines, un ligand chélatant aux propriétés de coordination prometteuses ne recevant que très peu d’attention de la part de la communauté scientifique. Dans un deuxième temps, nous présenterons le développement d’une stratégie d’assemblage de leurs complexes supramoléculaires impliquant des métaux de transition abondants et peu dispendieux de la première rangée. Dans un troisième temps, il sera question de l’investigation de leurs propriétés photophysiques et électrochimiques à des fins d’applications au sein de matériaux fonctionnels. Pour ce faire, les différentes voies de synthèse des hydroxyamidines et de leurs amidines correspondantes qui ont précédemment été étudiées par les membres du groupe seront tout d’abord perfectionnées, puis investiguées afin de déterminer leur versatilité. Ensuite, les propriétés de complexation des amox résultantes comportant des motifs sélectionnés seront déterminées pour enfin étudier les propriétés photophysiques et électrochimiques d’une série de complexes de métaux de transition de la première rangée. En somme, plusieurs designs qu’offrent les amox et bis-amox sont étudiés et les propriétés des architectures résultantes de leur auto-assemblage sont déterminées.

Culture stratégique et libéralisation politique au Myanmar

Le Myanmar traverse un processus de libéralisation politique qui a été entamé par le haut. Le régime militaire a tenu des élections générales en 2010, lesquelles ont placé au pouvoir un nouveau gouvernement composé à la fois de civils et de militaires. Depuis, la majorité des sanctions imposées par plusieurs États occidentaux au Myanmar ont été levées, et on observe une diversification des relations internationales du pays. Imbriqué à la sphère d’influence chinoise depuis quelques années, celui-ci rétablit des contacts diplomatiques et économiques avec l’Occident. Peu de chercheurs ont tenté d’expliquer les causes de cette transition politique, et le lien entre libéralisation politique et diversification des relations internationales n’a pas encore été expliqué. Ce mémoire propose de le faire en utilisant un modèle théorique issu de deux types de littérature, celle sur la culture stratégique et celle sur les transitions politiques. Il suggère que la libéralisation politique du Myanmar s’explique par les luttes d’influences au sein du régime entre deux sous-cultures stratégiques, les hardliners et les softliners. L’application des normes favorisées par les hardliners ayant échoué dans l’atteinte des objectifs stratégiques du régime, les softliners ont pu imposer leurs propres préférences normatives. Il propose également que la libéralisation politique était une étape nécessaire pour que le gouvernement birman puisse diversifier ses relations internationales.