969 resultados para participatory democracy


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Wikipedia es una enciclopedia editada en colaboración, por voluntarios de todo el mundo, que se ha ido construyendo en la Red desde el año 2003. Actualmente es el sexto sitio más visitado en Internet, lo que la convierte en el mayor éxito de la democracia participativa en el campo de la divulgación de la información. Su edición inglesa, con más de 3 millones de artículos, se ha convertido en una parte indispensable de Internet y la mayor y más popular obra de consulta. En este contexto, se podría afirmar que la Wikipedia se presenta como una valiosa herramienta para el conocimiento general de la terminología sobre las ciencias de la nutrición. A la par, no solo facilita el acceso al conocimiento, sino que es patente su validez para generarlo, socializando este tipo de espacios de colaboración y desarrollo del mismo, contribuyendo, en consecuencia, a la divulgación científica a la sociedad. En consecuencia, en este artículo queremos exponer y discutir las principales características de la Wikipedia. Pero, sobre todo, incidir en su papel en las ciencias de la alimentación y de la nutrición.

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La governance del settore alimentare si fonda su una struttura multilivello, ove poteri locali, nazionali, sovranazionali e globali interagiscono. In tale assetto, ogni regolatore è chiamato a proteggere interessi diversi tra loro, tra cui l'ambiente, la salute umana, il benessere animale e la libera concorrenza. La regolazione del settore alimentare, inoltre, impone la considerazione di aspetti etici e culturali, dotati di una forte matrice territoriale. In questo sistema, i valori che entrano in gioco non sono egualmente rappresentati, ma quelli considerati "minori" sono sovente sovrastati dalle esigenze di protezione di un unico interesse: la libera concorrenza su scala globale. Ne deriva che la regolazione del settore alimentare necessita di un nuovo equilibrio. Questo può richiedere sia l'adozione di nuove regole - soprattutto a livello sovranazionale - sia un'interpretazione maggiormente inclusiva dei principi e delle regole già esistenti da parte delle Corti. Tuttavia, risulta maggiormente urgente e di immediata efficacia permettere ai soggetti interessati, siano essi privati o pubblici, di partecipare alla formulazione delle politiche e delle decisioni inerenti il settore alimentare. La partecipazione procedurale è in grado di soddisfare esigenze differenti e talvolta opposte, pertanto essa è regolata dal legislatore a seconda dello scopo finale prefissato. Principalmente, essa è vista come una applicazione diretta dei principi di democrazia e trasparenza; tuttavia, il suo reale impatto sul risultato finale delle decisioni pubbliche può scostarsi considerevolemente da tale paradigma. Lo scopo di tale lavoro è analizzare i diversi modelli partecipativi implementati nei vari livelli di governo, al fine di determinarne il reale impatto sui soggetti interessati e sul bilanciamento degli interessi in gioco. La conclusione dimostra un certo livello di perplessità per ciò che riguarda l'assetto di tali garanzie nella regolazione del settore alimentare, dove lo sviluppo del concetto di democrazia partecipativa e di bilancio tra gli interessi rilevanti è ancora acerbo.

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The work referred to above, in order to contribute to the legal issues, economic, political and social of the violation of social rights, performs even firmer approach to various implementation mechanisms of social rights in Brazil. Therefore, it begins the study dealing with aspects and important characters of the rights under discussion, as its normative forecast, concept, classifications; respect of social rights with the existential minimum; the principle of reservation of the possible and the need to use this principle as optimization commandment of state resources and the deficit of the realization of social rights in the country. This, in later chapters, in an interdisciplinary approach, challenges and proposals for the realization of social rights by bringing in each chapter, mechanisms for such implementation. That way, as a general objective, it has been to contribute to the discussed problems, when present proposals for the realization of social rights in the Brazilian context. As specific objectives, as well as record the key aspects of the rights in allusion, the one has to promote the perspective of economic development and taxation as posts instruments that the State must be focused on the promotion of social rights by registering in this context that nonexistent economic development without reducing poverty, misery and social inequality and adding that there should be a directly proportional relationship between the tax burden in the country and the human and social development index; analyze the achievement of budget control as essential and healthy measure for the realization of social rights; highlight the importance of society to the achievement of unavailable social interests, affirming the need for the implementation of participatory democracy and, in this line, brings knowledge of the Constitution and the constitutional sense as elements that provide the constitutional progress. Finally, it presents a study on public policies, considering that these are equivalent to the primary means of the promotion of social rights. That way it analyzes the stages that integrate public policies, ranging from the perception of social problems for evaluation and control of the policies implemented; debate about the administrative discretion in when it comes to public policies; brings the classification of essential public policies, the relationship of these with the existential minimum, control parameters and, finally, the legalization of public policy, regarded as legitimate to remedy the unconstitutional state failure and give normative effectiveness and strength to the defining constitutional rules for fundamental social rights. It uses to achieve the objectives outlined, the bibliographic and normative approach method and performs an analysis of jurisprudence related understandings to matter. In the conclusions, it rescues the most important aspects elucidated at work, with the aim of giving emphasis to the proposals and mechanisms that contribute to the solution of the discussed problems.

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This master thesis aims to research the tension established between the judicial review and democratic theory which was always present in the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. In this regard, the expansion of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction checked after the occurrence of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the inertia of the Legislature in disciplinary relevant legal aspects of Brazilian society contributed to a hyperactivity of the Supreme Court. However, in a complex society of context, as is the Brazilian society, there are contained demands and political controversies that hardly would be well represented or resolved through the action of the Court of ministers at the expense of other government bodies. Among the supremacy of Parliament and the legitimacy deficit of these magistrates, is the constitutional text and the social fabric that makes this legal status of the political. Participatory democracy established by the guidelines of the Federal Constitution requires this perspective when the Supreme Court acting in place of concentrated constitutionality control. In a plural society, there is no reason to get rid of state decision moments popular participation. Lack the Supreme Court, this time, the democratizing perception that the institute brings to the interior of the Court, as state determination of space in which to come together and meet the aspirations of society and state claims. The dissertation investigates thus the possibility of amicus curiae Institute serve as a mediator of the democratic debate, to assist the Supreme Court in the preparation of the decision is, historically, that which is of greater legitimacy, from the perspective of a theory participatory democracy. Analyzes, likewise, the unfolding of abstract judicial review in the context of Brazilian law. Proposes, incidentally, a rereading of the separation of powers, with the call for the Judiciary be careful not to become the protagonist of national political decisions. It maintains, finally, that procedural opening the interpreters of the constitution, through the amicus curiae Institute, shows up as able to decrease the legitimacy deficit in the performance of the Brazilian Supreme Court.

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The aim of this study is to determine which social agents are involved in the political debate on Twitter and whether the interpretive hegemony of actors that have traditionally been the most prominent is tempered by the challenge of framing shared with audiences. The relationship between the interpretations expressed and the profiles of participants is analyzed in comparison with the frames used by mainstream media. The chosen methodology combines content analysis and discourse analysis techniques on a sample of 1,504 relevant tweets posted on two political issues –the approval of the education law LOMCE and the evictions caused by the crisis, which have also been studied in the front pages of four leading newspapers in Spain. The results show a correlation between political issue singularities, frames and the type of discussion depending on the participants.

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Collection of the essays presented at the international conference on deliberative democray and Chinese practice of participatory and deliberative institutions

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online- only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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The early years are an important period for learning, but the questions surrounding participatory learning amongst toddlers remain under-examined. This book presents the latest theoretical and research perspectives about how ECEC (Early Childhood Education and Care) contexts promote democracy and citizenship through participatory learning approaches. The contributors provide insight into national policies, provisions, and practices and advance our understandings of theory and research on toddlers’ experiences for democratic participation across a number of countries, including the UK, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, Canada, Sweden, and Norway.

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online- only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online-only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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This paper investigates in how to utilize ICT and Web 2.0 technologies and e-democracy software for policy decision-making. It introduces a cutting edge decision-making system that integrates the practice of e-petitions, e-consultation, e-rulemaking, e-voting, and proxy voting. The paper demonstrates how under precondition of direct democracy through the use this system the collective intelligence (CI) of a population would be gathered and used throughout the policy process.

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While participatory processes have become an important part of planning, young people are a particularly vulnerable group in terms of potential marginalisation and exclusion from effective participation. Including the views of young people in participatory planning is not simply a matter of bringing them into existing processes. Instead, participatory processes must find ways to integrate and accommodate their needs and ways of expressing their views. Without these adjustments young people may simply move from being kept outside the planning process to a situation where, although they are formally included, their claims are not taken seriously and they are not treated with equal respect. In this paper we reflect on the success of a community advisory committee, formed to consider water planning issues, in integrating the views of young people into their deliberations. Using Iris Marion Young’s (1995) ideas of communicative democracy we highlight the challenges and opportunities presented by this participatory approach, as articulated by both the young people involved and the adult participants. We specifically consider how the elements of greeting, rhetoric and narrative were reflected in the committee process. We argue that both planners and adult participants need to ensure that participatory processes allow for the equal engagement of all participants and place equal value on their contributions. Our research shows that this involves both an institutional and attitudinal commitment to include the views of young people. The institutional commitment requires young people to be included in processes and for their involvement to be supported. However, the attitudinal commitment it is equally important and requires that adult participants be prepared not only to accept the views of younger participants but to actively encourage and support their full participation.

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While participatory processes have become an important part of water planning, young people are a particularly vulnerable group in terms of potential marginalisation and exclusion from effective participation. Including the views of young people in water planning is not simply a matter of bringing them into existing processes. Instead, processes must be modified to accommodate their needs and ways of expressing their views. Without these adjustments young people may simply move from being kept outside the process to a situation where although they are formally included, their claims are not taken seriously and they are not treated with equal respect. In this paper we reflect on the success of the community advisory committee, formed to develop the Gold Coast Waterfuture Strategy, in integrating the views of young people into their deliberations. Using Young's communicative democracy we highlight the challenges and opportunities presented by this approach, as articulated by both the young people involved and the adult participants, and specifically consider the how the elements of greeting, rhetoric and narrative were reflected in the committee process.

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The future of civic engagement is characterised by both technological innovation as well as new technological user practices that are fuelled by trends towards mobile, personal devices; broadband connectivity; open data; urban interfaces; and, cloud computing. These technology trends are progressing at a rapid pace, and have led global technology vendors to package and sell the ‘Smart City’ as a centralized service delivery platform predicted to optimize and enhance cities’ key performance indicators – and generate a profitable market. The top-down deployment of these large and proprietary technology platforms have helped sectors such as energy, transport, and healthcare to increase efficiencies. However, an increasing number of scholars and commentators warn of another ‘IT bubble’ emerging. Along with some city leaders, they argue that the top-down approach does not fit the governance dynamics and values of a liberal democracy when applied across sectors. A thorough understanding is required, of the socio-cultural nuances of how people work, live, play across different environments, and how they employ social media and mobile devices to interact with, engage in, and constitute public realms. Although the term ‘slacktivism’ is sometimes used to denote a watered down version of civic engagement and activism that is reduced to clicking a ‘Like’ button and signing online petitions, we believe that we are far from witnessing another Biedermeier period that saw people focus on the domestic and the non-political. There is plenty of evidence to the contrary, such as post-election violence in Kenya in 2008, the Occupy movements in New York, Hong Kong and elsewhere, the Arab Spring, Stuttgart 21, Fukushima, the Taksim Gezi Park in Istanbul, and the Vinegar Movement in Brazil in 2013. These examples of civic action shape the dynamics of governments, and in turn, call for new processes to be incorporated into governance structures. Participatory research into these new processes across the triad of people, place and technology is a significant and timely investment to foster productive, sustainable, and livable human habitats. With this chapter, we want to reframe the current debates in academia and priorities in industry and government to allow citizens and civic actors to take their rightful centerpiece place in civic movements. This calls for new participatory approaches for co-inquiry and co-design. It is an evolving process with an explicit agenda to facilitate change, and we propose participatory action research (PAR) as an indispensable component in the journey to develop new governance infrastructures and practices for civic engagement. This chapter proposes participatory action research as a useful and fitting research paradigm to guide methodological considerations surrounding the study, design, development, and evaluation of civic technologies. We do not limit our definition of civic technologies to tools specifically designed to simply enhance government and governance, such as renewing your car registration online or casting your vote electronically on election day. Rather, we are interested in civic media and technologies that foster citizen engagement in the widest sense, and particularly the participatory design of such civic technologies that strive to involve citizens in political debate and action as well as question conventional approaches to political issues (DiSalvo, 2012; Dourish, 2010; Foth et al., 2013). Following an outline of some underlying principles and assumptions behind participatory action research, especially as it applies to cities, we will critically review case studies to illustrate the application of this approach with a view to engender robust, inclusive, and dynamic societies built on the principles of engaged liberal democracy. The rationale for this approach is an alternative to smart cities in a ‘perpetual tomorrow,’ (cf. e.g. Dourish & Bell, 2011), based on many weak and strong signals of civic actions revolving around technology seen today. It seeks to emphasize and direct attention to active citizenry over passive consumerism, human actors over human factors, culture over infrastructure, and prosperity over efficiency. First, we will have a look at some fundamental issues arising from applying simplistic smart city visions to the kind of a problem a city is (cf. Jacobs, 1961). We focus on the touch points between “the city” and its civic body, the citizens. In order to provide for meaningful civic engagement, the city must provide appropriate interfaces.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical analysis of recent examples of action competence among young people engaged in democratic participatory action in sustainability programs in Australia. It explores examples of priorities identified for citizen action, the forms this action takes and the ways that democratic participation can achieve positive outcomes for future sustainability. It suggests multiple ways for developing action competence that provides further opportunities for authentic and engaging citizen action for youth connected to school- and community-based learning, in new and powerful ways. Design/methodology/approach – This conceptual paper examines international literature on the theory of “action competence,” its significance for education for sustainability (EfS) and the ways it can inform education for young people’s democratic participatory citizenship and civic engagement. It analyses examples of the development of action competency among young people in Australia, including the problems and priorities identified for citizen action, the forms this action takes and how it can achieve positive outcomes for sustainability. Following this analysis, the paper suggests multiple ways for developing action competence in EfS in schools and communities in new and powerful ways. Findings – Developing EfS to increase democratic and participatory action among young citizens is now widely regarded as an urgent education priority. There are growing exemplars of school and community organizations’ involvement in developing EfS learning and teaching to increase participatory citizenship. Young people are being empowered to develop a greater sense of agency through involvement in programs that develop action competence with a focus on sustainability in and out of school. New forms of participation include student action teams and peer collaboration among youth who are marshaling social media and direction action to achieve change. Originality/value – It contributes to the literature on multiple ways for developing action competence in EfS.