92 resultados para gangs


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El estudio pone en consideración una amplia caracterización del fenómeno de las «maras» en el contexto guatemalteco, escudriñando en la naturaleza de su violencia. En este sentido, se analiza la violencia juvenil, relacionándola con las problemáticas estructurales e institucionales de este país, considerando el legado de las dictaduras y del conflicto armado, así como la construcción de realidad social realizada por los agentes que reproducen el fenómeno. Se revisan también las respuestas gubernamentales y no gubernamentales para controvertir este problema, resaltando sus aciertos y desaciertos. Finalmente, los resultados de la investigación indican que las «maras» se han nutrido de problemáticas estructurales como la desigualdad y la marginalización; de debilidades institucionales como la impunidad y la corrupción; de falencias al interior del núcleo familiar, como el maltrato; así como de las decisiones de quienes las conforman consolidando carreras delincuenciales y violentas.

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A partir de un análisis comparado, de orden cualitativo, se analiza la existencia de continuidades y rupturas estratégicas entre el Bloque Élmer Cárdenas de las AUC y los Urabeños, con el fin de caracterizar a ambos actores armados. La investigación expone similitudes relevantes entre ambos grupos armados a fin de dilucidar la naturaleza, aun discutida, de las llamadas bandas criminales y su relación con los predecesores bloques paramilitares, además de la incidencia en las actividades económicas, la población civil y el poder político.

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En Centroamérica existen comunidades que enfrentan retos muy difíciles como el limitado acceso a servicios y bienes básicos, carecen de oportunidades laborales y de educación. A esto se le añade la influencia de un fenómeno juvenil conocido como las pandillas juveniles o Maras.

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En el contexto de la lucha de la Unión Europea contra el crimen organizado transnacional, el tráfico ilegal de armas pequeñas y ligeras proveniente de los grupos criminales albaneses y kosovares, es uno de los delitos a los que la Unión Europea ha tenido que hacer frente. Así pues, esta investigación logró analizar cómo la falta de coordinación de las políticas europeas implementadas para luchar contra el tráfico ilegal de armas pequeñas y ligeras y la corrupción estatal en Albania y Kosovo, fueron los dos factores de mayor influencia para evidenciar el impacto a la efectividad de dichas políticas implementadas. Para esto se debió comprender las dinámicas de los grupos criminales y la influencia de la corrupción en su actuar, y después examinar las políticas implementadas por la Unión Europea y los factores que no permitieron que existiera coordinación entre ellas.

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El interés de este estudio de caso, es analizar la situación fronteriza en materia comercial y de seguridad; evaluando las políticas públicas implementadas por el gobierno Santos, para darle solución a los problemas estructurales de la zona de estudio, comprendida por Norte de Santander y el Táchira. Adicionalmente se explican los problemas comerciales y de ilegalidad en la zona, que en la actualidad tienden a expandirse como una red controlada por las Farc, Auc y Bandas Criminales, que han cooptado la institucionalidad de ambos Estados. Y finalmente se determina que las políticas implementadas desde la administración Santos han sido insuficientes para terminar los problemas estructurales en materia comercial y de seguridad en la zona.

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Podeu escriure el text directament o arrossegar-lo des d'un altre document En los últimos años el fenómeno de las bandas callejeras integradas por jóvenes latinoamericanos ha atraído la atención de los medios de comunicación y de diferentes grupos políticos. Colectivos de estos jóvenes con frecuencia acaban siendo descritos como "bandas" y presentados como grupos altamente delictivos que tienen como propósito perturbar la paz pública. Esta investigación, llevada a cabo en Cataluña, desmitifica muchos tópicos difundidos dentro de la población. Se muestra que las bandas callejeras de origen latinoamericano no son grupos delictivos. La participación de sus miembros en la delincuencia constituye una parte menor de entre todas sus actividades. Son grupos que carecen de una estructura fuerte y de organización jerárquica suficiente para que puedan ser catalogados como organizaciones criminales. Tales grupos, además, no mantienen relaciones de carácter instrumental con sus homólogos en los países de América Latina y no han sido implantadas por voluntad de estos.

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This article analyses the counter-terrorist operations carried out by Captain (later Major General) Orde Wingate in Palestine in 1938, and considers whether these might inform current operations. Wingate's Special Night Squads were formed from British soldiers and Jewish police specifically to counter terrorist and sabotage attacks. Their approach escalated from interdicting terrorist gangs to pre-emptive attacks on suspected terrorist sanctuaries to reprisal attacks after terrorist atrocities. They continued the British practice of using irregular units in counter-insurgency, which was sustained into the postwar era and contributed to the evolution of British Special Forces. Wingate's methods proved effective in pacifying terrorist-infested areas and could be applied again, but only in the face of 'friction' arising from changes in cultural attitudes since the 1930s, and from the political-strategic context of post-2001 counter-insurgent and counter-terrorist operations. In some cases, however, public opinion might not preclude the use of some of Wingate's techniques.

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In the late 1980s, Melbourne was the hub of the computer underground in Australia, if not the world. The hackers who formed the underground were not disgruntled computer professionals or gangs of organised criminals. They were disaffected teenagers who used their basic home computers to explore the embryonic Internet from inside their locked, suburban bedrooms. From this shadowy world emerged two elite hackers known as Electron and Phoenix, who formed part of an alliance called The Realm. In the Realm of the Hackers charts Electron's journey from his initial innocent explorations to his ultimate obsession. It vividly recreates the climate of the 1980s, before there was public access to the Internet. The program takes us headlong into the clandestine, risky but intoxicating world of the computer underground to uncover not only how the hackers did it but why.

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There is a threat to Nato forces in Afghanistan which the world is ignoring. Violent gangs have been killing indiscriminately in Karachi, the Pakistani city vital to the supply chain which sustains ISAF forces in their fight against the Taliban.

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This paper presents findings from the author's PhD thesis exploring violent youth subcultures in Australia. It addresses whether growing uncertainties around issues of cultural identity and belonging in an era of risk has produced more defensive models of DIY youth culture at a local scale. Theoretically, the author examines whether globalisation has unsettled normative youth subject positions associated with the nation-state, problematising conventional logics of youth cultural formation (i.e. which view questions of race and racism through a white/black, mainstream/subculture binary). As Beck (1992;1999) argues, the de-bounding influence of globalisation has led to an ambivalent set of relations where forms of youth identity have become freed from the nation-state and class based forms of community and must be self-organised. In particular, he argues that this has produced cosmopolitan subjects and social movements as well as ‘counter-modern’ subjects and cultures. This paper applies Beck’s theories alongside theories focused on global/local influences on youth culture to an ethnographic study of two violent youth subcultures in Australia, these being the white ‘patriotic’ youth formation which emerged in the Cronulla riots and youth gang formations in Melbourne’s western suburbs. In doing so the author examines the extent to which violent youth subcultures in Australia can be regarded as strategic responses intended to restore forms of collective cultural belonging at a local scale vis a vis ‘the global’ and its destabilizing influences.

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O objetivo desta pesquisa é estudar o efeito da Lei nº 11.343/06 (Lei de Drogas) sobre o crime de tráfico e porte de drogas e a relação entre crimes de drogas e outros crimes. Para isso, são exploradas as variações da Lei de Drogas, através de análises de regressões com descontinuidade e com variável instrumental, além de estimações com dados em painel, em busca de um efeito causal entre drogas e violência. Como resultados, a Lei de Drogas parece não ter efeito negativo significativo sobre crimes de drogas. Por outro lado, crimes de drogas apresentam uma associação negativa sobre crimes de furto e uma relação positiva com crimes de formação de quadrilha. Para cada redução de 100 crimes de drogas (por mil habitantes) associa-se um aumento de 3,6 crimes de furto (por mil habitantes) e uma diminuição de 27 crimes de formação de quadrilha (por mil habitantes). Não são encontrados efeitos robustos sobre roubos, homicídios, latrocínios, estupros, crimes de lesão corporal e porte de arma de fogo.

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This paper examines the effects of armed conflicts between drug gangs in Rio de Janeiro's favelas on student achievement. We explore variation in violence that occurs across time and space when gangs battle over territories. Within-school estimates indicate that students from schools exposed to violence score less in math exams. The effect of violence increases with conflict intensity, duration, and proximity to exam dates; and decreases with the distance between the school and the conflict location. Finally, we find that school supply is an important mechanism driving the achievement results; armed conflicts are significantly associated with higher teacher absenteeism, principal turnover, and temporary school closings.

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In order to evaluate the environmental condition of the Barra Bonita Reservoir, we adapted the Index of Biotic Integrity (IBI). We chose 24 sampling sites in which three types of habitats were sampled: the mouths of tributaries, the central reservoir and the lateral reservoir. Fish were caught in two seasons (dry and rainy) using 10 gillnet gangs, with meshes ranging from 3 to 12 cm between opposite knots, and funnel traps. Abiotic and biotic variables were measured. Due to the artificial nature of the reservoir, the term biotic integrity was considered inappropriate and the term RFAI (Reservoir Fish Assemblage Index) was adopted. Twelve metrics from sixteen possibles were selected using the Pearson correlation coefficient. The reference conditions were set up based on the criteria of the best condition observed. For each metric, a score of 1, 3 or 5 was assigned as it strongly departs (1), slightly departs (3) or approaches (5) the reference condition. The index value is the sum of the metrics partial scores and ranges from 12 to 60. To evaluate the importance of the unit of measurement of the metric, the index was calculated in fish number (RFAI(N)) and in weight (RFAI(w)). The correlation between RFAIN and RFAIw was very high (r = 0.90, n = 46) indicating that the unit of measurement does not influence the final result of the index. Most of the sampling sites were classified in the 'reasonable' RFAI category. Only the central sites were classified as 'poor'. To validate the RFAI, another index, the Habitat Quality Index (HQI), was built starting from the physiochemical and habitat variables collected. The correlation of the RFAI with the HQI was highly significant (RFAIN, r = 0.37; RFAI(w), r = 0.47; n = 46), indicating that they respond in the same way to environmental degradation. The HQI metrics which most affect RFAI were depth, surrounding landscape and macrophyte presence/absence. Copyright C) 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS