984 resultados para Alinhamento lexical


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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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O objetivo deste trabalho foi realizar a caracterização molecular de 11 acessos de Cratylia argentea, com base no sequenciamento da região ITS (ITS1/5,8S/ITS2), bem como o estabelecimento de suas relações filogenéticas com outras leguminosas. As relações filogenéticas dessa espécie com outras 15 leguminosas foram estabelecidas com o uso de sequência do gene que codifica a subunidade 18S do rRNA (rDNA 18S). A amplificação do DNA da região ITS/5,8S dos 11 acessos revelou uma única banda de aproximadamente 650 pb. Sequências ITS/5,8S foram obtidas de todos os acessos analisados e depois alinhadas com a região ITS/5,8S da leguminosa Galactia striata. O tamanho das sequências ITS/5,8S dos acessos de C. argentea variou de 565 a 615 pb. Os conteúdos médios de G + C nas regiões ITS1 e ITS2 variaram entre 46 e 47%. O alinhamento múltiplo das seqüências ITS/5,8S dos acessos de C. argentea com Galactia striata revelou a presença de deleções e inserções. Os acessos de C. argentea constituíram um único clado politômico. A análise filogenética de C. argentea demonstrou que essa espécie está incluída no clado das Diocleinae verdadeiras e que os gêneros Calopogonium e Pachyrhizus estão fora desse clado.

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O objetivo deste trabalho foi identificar e caracterizar os genes cry3, vip1, vip2 e vip1/vip2 em uma coleção de 1.078 isolados de Bacillus thuringiensis potencialmente tóxicos para larvas de coleópteros. Foram utilizados pares de oligonucleotídeos iniciadores gerais obtidos a partir de regiões conservadas dos genes e do alinhamento de sequências consenso. Posteriormente, os isolados positivos foram caracterizados por meio da técnica de PCR‑RFLP, tendo-se utilizado enzimas de restrição específicas, para identificar novas subclasses de genes nos isolados. Cento e cinquenta e um isolados foram positivos para os genes avaliados, com maior frequência para o gene vip1/vip2 (139 isolados). Pela técnica de PCR‑RFLP, foram observados 14 perfis polimórficos, o que indica a presença de diferentes alelos e, consequentemente, de distintas subclasses desses genes.

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A crucial step for understanding how lexical knowledge is represented is to describe the relative similarity of lexical items, and how it influences language processing. Previous studies of the effects of form similarity on word production have reported conflicting results, notably within and across languages. The aim of the present study was to clarify this empirical issue to provide specific constraints for theoretical models of language production. We investigated the role of phonological neighborhood density in a large-scale picture naming experiment using fine-grained statistical models. The results showed that increasing phonological neighborhood density has a detrimental effect on naming latencies, and re-analyses of independently obtained data sets provide supplementary evidence for this effect. Finally, we reviewed a large body of evidence concerning phonological neighborhood density effects in word production, and discussed the occurrence of facilitatory and inhibitory effects in accuracy measures. The overall pattern shows that phonological neighborhood generates two opposite forces, one facilitatory and one inhibitory. In cases where speech production is disrupted (e.g. certain aphasic symptoms), the facilitatory component may emerge, but inhibitory processes dominate in efficient naming by healthy speakers. These findings are difficult to accommodate in terms of monitoring processes, but can be explained within interactive activation accounts combining phonological facilitation and lexical competition.

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In a system where tens of thousands of words are made up of a limited number of phonemes, many words are bound to sound alike. This similarity of the words in the lexicon as characterized by phonological neighbourhood density (PhND) has been shown to affect speed and accuracy of word comprehension and production. Whereas there is a consensus about the interfering nature of neighbourhood effects in comprehension, the language production literature offers a more contradictory picture with mainly facilitatory but also interfering effects reported on word production. Here we report both of these two types of effects in the same study. Multiple regression mixed models analyses were conducted on PhND effects on errors produced in a naming task by a group of 21 participants with aphasia. These participants produced more formal errors (interfering effect) for words in dense phonological neighbourhoods, but produced fewer nonwords and semantic errors (a facilitatory effect) with increasing density. In order to investigate the nature of these opposite effects of PhND, we further analysed a subset of formal errors and nonword errors by distinguishing errors differing on a single phoneme from the target (corresponding to the definition of phonological neighbours) from those differing on two or more phonemes. This analysis confirmed that only formal errors that were phonological neighbours of the target increased in dense neighbourhoods, while all other errors decreased. Based on additional observations favouring a lexical origin of these formal errors (they exceeded the probability of producing a real-word error by chance, were of a higher frequency, and preserved the grammatical category of the targets), we suggest that the interfering effect of PhND is due to competition between lexical neighbours and target words in dense neighbourhoods.

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Tutkimukseni käsittelee suomen kielen sanaston kehitystä 1800-luvulla eli aikana, jolloin suomen kielestä kehittyi monialainen sivistyskieli. Esimerkkiaineistona on yhden erikoisalan, maantieteen sanasto. Suomen kirjakieli syntyi 1500-luvulla, mutta aluksi kirjoitettua kieltä tarvittiin pääasiassa uskonnollisissa yhteyksissä. 1800-luvun aikana kielen käyttöalat monipuolistuivat ja uutta sanastoa tarvittiin monien erikoisalojen tarpeisiin. Ryhdyttiin tietoisesti kääntämään tietokirjallisuutta ja kirjoittamaan eri aiheista. Tutkimukseni selvittää maantieteen sanaston kehittymistä sadassa vuodessa erityisesti maantieteen oppikirjoissa. Tutkimus kuvaa sanaston kehitystä teoreettisesti uudenlaisista lähtökohdista tarkastelemalla leksikaalista variaatiota. Variaatiota on kuvattu tarkasti sekä yksittäisten käsitteiden nimitysten kehityksenä että ilmiönä yleisesti. Tutkimus hyödyntää myös kognitiivista lähestymistapaa, etenkin sosiokognitiivisen terminologian teoriaa. Aineiston analyysin pohjalta syntyy kuva sanaston kehityksestä ja vakiintumisesta. Tutkimus kuvaa myös tapoja, joilla uusia käsitteitä nimettiin. Se pohtii eri nimeämistapojen suhdetta sekä kirjoittajien ja aikalaisten roolia sanaston vakiintumisessa. 1800-luvun maantieteen sanastossa on runsaasti variaatiota; vain harvojen käsitteiden nimitykset ovat vakiintuneita tai vakiintuvat nopeasti. Tämän variaation kuvaaminen leksikaalisena variaationa osoittautui tutkimuksessa hyväksi metodiksi. Koska kirjakieli oli vakiintumatonta, nimityksissä esiintyy paljon kontekstuaalista variaatiota esimerkiksi sanojen kirjoitusasuissa. Kirjoittajat myös pohtivat havainnollista tapaa nimetä käsitteitä, ja tästä aiheutuu onomasiologista variaatiota. Semasiologinen variaatio taas kertoo käsitejärjestelmän vakiintumattomuudesta. Aineiston sanaston lähtökohdat ovat vanhan kirjasuomessa, mutta tältä pohjalta luodaan valtava määrä uutta sanastoa tai otetaan aiemmin kirjakielessä käytettyjä nimityksiä uuteen merkitykseen. Tärkeä rooli on sekä nimitysten muodostamisella kotoisista aineksista että kääntämisellä, jossa malli saadaan toisesta kielestä mutta nimitysten ainekset ovat omaperäisiä.

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Cannabis use has been related to an elevated psychosis risk and attenuated cognitive functioning. Cannabis-related cognitive impairments are also observed in populations along the psychosis dimension. We here investigated whether a potential behavioural marker of the psychosis dimension (attenuated functional hemispheric asymmetry) is even further attenuated in individuals using cannabis (CU) versus those not using cannabis (nCU). We tested 29 patients with first episode psychosis (FEP; 11 CU) and 90 healthy controls (38 CU) on lateralized lexical decisions assessing left hemisphere language dominance. In patients, psychotic symptoms were assessed (PANSS). In controls, self-reported schizotypy was assessed (O-LIFE questionnaire). Results indicated that nCU FEP patients had a relative reduced hemispheric asymmetry, as did controls with increasing cognitive disorganisation scores, in particular when belonging to the group of nCU controls. Positive, disorganised and negative PANSS scores in patients and negative and positive schizotypy in controls were unrelated to hemispheric asymmetry. These findings suggest that cannabis use balances rather than exacerbates uncommon hemispheric laterality patterns. Moreover, in healthy populations, the potential stabilisation of typical hemispheric asymmetry in CU might be most relevant to individuals with elevated cognitive disorganisation. We discuss the potential beneficial and harmful effects of cannabis use along the psychosis dimension together with propositions for future studies that should account for the mediating role of additional substances (e.g. nicotine), cannabis composition (e.g. cannabidiol content), and individual differences (e.g. physical health, or absence of significant polysubstance use).

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RESUME : Cette étude est une analyse métrique et stylistique de La Pulcella d'Orléans de Vincenzo Monti - traduction-réécriture de l'homonyme poème de Voltaire, La Pucelle d'Orléans - commencée à Milan en 1798 et terminée à Chambéry, en Savoie, en 1799. Le texte italien a été considéré comme une version autonome par rapport au texte français, étant donné le particulier choix de réduire la composante philosophique et idéologique d'origine, et de mettre en relation le modèle avec une littérature italienne spécifique, principalement par l'adoption d'une grille strophique fortement marquée. La Pulcella est traduite en octaves, un mètre chevaleresque qui possède au moins depuis trois siècles sa propre "grammaire" ainsi qu'une formidable tradition de référence. De plus, avec sa traduction, l'auteur a voulu mettre l'accent sur les aspects de l'histoire les plus amusantes et provocatrices de Jeanne d'Arc - déjà narrée par Voltaire avec un ton ironique et irrévérencieux - dans le but d'une grande expérimentation au niveau de la langue, de la métrique et de la syntaxe. La traduction de la Pucelle est en effet liée à une dimension hédonistique et livresque: elle n'est pas un prétexte pour connaitre une oeuvre étrangère, ni un texte conçu pour être publiée; il s'agit plutôt d'un exercice personnel, un divertissement privé, demeuré dans le tiroir de l'auteur. Alors que pour Voltaire le but principal du poème est la polémique idéologique du fond, exprimée par un registre fort satirique, pour Monti la réécriture est un jeu stylistique, une complaisance littéraire, qui repose autant sur les composantes désacralisantes et provocatrices que sur les éléments poétiques et idylliques. Le modèle français est donc retravaillé, en premier lieu, au niveau du ton: d'un côté la traduction réduit l'horizon idéologique et la perspective historique des événements; de l'autre elle accroît les aspects les plus hédonistiques et ludiques de Voltaire, par la mise en évidence de l'élément comique, plus coloré et ouvert. En raison de la dimension intime de cette traduction, de nos jours la tradition de la Pulcella italienne se fonde sur trois témoins manuscrits seulement, dont un retrouvé en 1984 et qui a rouvert le débat philologique. Pour ma thèse j'ai utilisé l'édition critique qu'on possède à présent, imprimée en 1982 sous la direction de M. Mari et G. Barbarisi, qui se fonde seulement sur deux témoins du texte; de toute façon mon travail a essayé de considérer aussi en compte le nouvel autographe découvert. Ce travail de thèse sur la Pulcella est organisé en plusieurs chapitres qui reflètent la structure de l'analyse, basée sur les différents niveaux d'élaboration du texte. Au début il y a une introduction générale, où j'ai encadré les deux versions, la française et l'italienne, dans l'histoire littéraire, tout en donnant des indications sur la question philologique relative au texte de Monti. Ensuite, les chapitres analysent quatre aspects différents de la traduction: d'abord, les hendécasyllabes du poème: c'est à dire le rythme des vers, la prosodie et la distribution des différents modules rythmiques par rapport aux positions de l'octave. La Pucelle de Voltaire est en effet écrite en décasyllabes, un vers traditionnellement assez rigide à cause de son rythme coupé par la césure; dans la traduction le vers français est rendu par la plus célèbre mesure de la tradition littéraire italienne, l'endécasyllabe, un vers qui correspond au décasyllabe seulement pour le nombre de syllabes, mais qui présente une majeure liberté rythmique pour la disposition des accents. Le deuxième chapitre considère le mètre de l'octave, en mettant l'accent sur l'organisation syntaxique interne des strophes et sur les liens entre elles ; il résulte que les strophes sont traitées de manière différente par rapport à Voltaire. En effet, au contraire des octaves de Monti, la narration française se développe dans chaque chant en une succession ininterrompue de vers, sans solutions de continuité, en délinéant donc des structures textuelles très unitaires et linéaires. Le troisième chapitre analyse les enjambements de la Pulcella dans le but de dévoiler les liaisons syntactiques entre les verses et les octaves, liaisons presque toujours absentes en Voltaire. Pour finir, j'ai étudié le vocabulaire du poème, en observant de près les mots les plus expressives quant à leur côté comique et parodique. En effet, Monti semble exaspérer le texte français en utilisant un vocabulaire très varié, qui embrasse tous les registres de la langue italienne: de la dimension la plus basse, triviale, populaire, jusqu'au niveau (moins exploité par Voltaire) lyrique et littéraire, en vue d'effets de pastiche comique et burlesque. D'après cette analyse stylistique de la traduction, surgit un aspect très intéressant et unique de la réécriture de Monti, qui concerne l'utilisation soit de l'endécasyllabe, soit de l'octave, soit du vocabulaire du texte. Il s'agit d'un jeu constant sur la voix - ou bien sur une variation continue des différents plans intonatives - et sur la parole, qui devient plus expressive, plus dense. En effet, la lecture du texte suppose une variation mélodique incessante entre la voix de l'auteur (sous forme de la narration et du commentaire) et la voix de personnages, qu'on entend dans les nombreux dialogues; mais aussi une variation de ton entre la dimension lexical littéraire et les registres les plus baissés de la langue populaire. Du point de vue de la syntaxe, par rapport au modèle français (qui est assez monotone et linéaire, basé sur un ordre syntactique normal, sur le rythme régulier du decasyllabe et sur un langage plutôt ordinaire), Monti varie et ennoblit le ton du discours à travers des mouvements syntaxiques raffinés, des constructions de la période plus ou moins réguliers et l'introduction de propositions à cheval des vers. Le discours italien est en effet compliquée par des interruptions continues (qui ne se réalisent pas dans des lieux canoniques, mais plutôt dans la première partie du vers ou en proximité de la pointe) qui marquent des changements de vitesse dans le texte (dialogues, narration, commentaires): ils se vérifient, en somme, des accélérations et des décélérations continues du récit ainsi qu'un jeu sur les ouvertures et fermetures de chaque verse. Tout se fait à travers une recherche d'expressivité qui, en travaillant sur la combinaison et le choc des différents niveaux, déstabilise la parole et rend l'écriture imprévisible.

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En este artículo presentamos el desarrollo del proyecto SenSem (BFF2003-06456), que tiene como objetivo describir y representar el comportamiento léxico, sintáctico y semántico de los verbos del español. En el desarrollo de este proyecto se están construyendo dos recursos: un corpus de oraciones asociadas a su interpretación sintáctico-semántica y un léxico donde cada sentido verbal se asocia a un conjunto de ejemplos anotados del corpus.

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En este artículo vamos a ocuparnos de uno de los mecanismos de transformación del patrimonio lingüístico: la metacedeusis. Es un procedimiento que contribuye a la renovación del repertorio léxico y, en especial, del toponímico. Intentamos en primer lugar mostrar que no coincide con lo que se ha venido llamando etimología popular. En segundo lugar enumeramos y ejemplificamos algunos de los factores que favorecen la aparición de este fenómeno. A lo largo de toda la exposición, nos esforzamos en demostrar que solo el conocimiento del léxico patrimonial permite detectar los casos de metacedeusis y, en consecuencia, trazar adecuadamente la historia del topónimo.

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Els autors reflexionen sobre la representativitat dels dialectalismes inclosos en algunes obres lexicogràfiques catalanes, atenent als problemes que es deriven de la selecció lèxica pròpiament dita i de l'abast semàntic d'aquestes unitats. S'hi afegeixen, alhora, aspectes inherents al component lèxic, com ara la variació interna o externa a què està sotmès. Els exemples adduïts provenen en gran part de la recerca duta a terme per a l'elaboració del Diccionari de la pronúncia del català nord-occidental (lleidatà).

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L'objectiu d'aquest article és defensar la responsabilitat del component lèxic pel que fa a la presència (o l'absència) del clític en la construcció anticausativa. Es presenten proves que justifiquen que les argumentacions sobre aquest fenomen des de la semàntica o l'estructura eventual, que són les més prolíferes en la bibliografia, no són vàlides per a tots els verbs que participen en l'estructura sintàctica esmentada. Es considera que ni la sintaxi ni la morfologia tampoc poden donar llum dels fets i es proposa que l'explicació de la manca d'uniformitat pel que fa a l'aparició del pronom ha de trobar-se a partir de fenòmens que no es poden discernir en observar només l'estat actual de la llengua.

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L'objectiu d'aquest article és el d'examinar les característiques lèxiques del castellà parlat pels catalanoparlants a partir de les ocurrències recollides en la ciutat de Lleida. Cal tenir en compte que els trets que de fineixen els ítems lèxics que hi analitzem estan determinats per les condicions sociolingüístiques de les dues llengües en contacte. La transferència contínua que es produeix entre els dos sistemes lingüístics fa que el lèxic emprat sigui també peculiar i estigui restringit als territoris de parla catalana.