942 resultados para Cold war


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El siguiente trabajo de investigación pretende analizar no solo la manera en la que la Intervención en la crisis Libia (2011-2013) se vio justificada a la luz de lo que establece la Doctrina de R2P, sino también investigar si logró cumplir con los objetivos de la misma. Con tal propósito, se evaluará si la intervención Militar Humanitaria por parte de la OTAN bajo la resolución 1973 del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU, se justifica desde los objetivos que establece la Doctrina de Responsabilidad de Proteger y cumple parcialmente con los propósitos fundamentales de prevenir, reaccionar y reconstruir en la crisis Libia de 2011- 2013. El método que se utilizará para responder a la pregunta de este estudio de caso, será en su totalidad cualitativo, descriptivo y analítico. En lo que respecta a las fuentes, se usarán fuentes secundarias como artículos académicos y fuentes primarias provenientes de noticias de periódicos, revistas, resoluciones AG y del CS de la ONU.

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La década de los años 90 fue un periodo de grandes transformaciones a nivel económico, social y político en Colombia. Una de las transformaciones más significativas en el ámbito educativo tuvo que ver con la introducción en la escuela de una serie de prácticas destinadas a garantizar la formación democrática de los ciudadanos; todo esto con el propósito de consolidar en la sociedad una serie de hábitos, valores y prácticas acordes con el nuevo orden social instaurado y amparado por la Constitución Política de 1991. Pese a los esfuerzos legislativos y estatales por promover la democracia en el entorno escolar, las prácticas adelantadas en las instituciones educativas no han logrado responder efectivamente al objetivo de consolidar un ambiente democrático en la escuela y en la sociedad en general, razón por la cual, en este trabajo se realiza un análisis de la manera como una institución educativa en particular, asume y pone en marcha las propuestas democráticas formuladas legalmente, las tensiones suscitadas por la introducción de la propuesta democrática en la escuela, además de las conceptualizaciones sobre la democracia que dichas prácticas contribuyen a configurar y las cuales dan forma a los imaginarios, acciones y discursos cotidianos de estudiantes y docentes específicamente.

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El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.

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La monografía pretende explicar el rol desempeñado por Exxon Mobil y Chevron en la formulación de la Gran Estrategia del gobierno Bush hacia Irak. Especialmente, se sostiene que las dos compañías multinacionales mencionadas lograron que la intervención militar en Irak, fuera pensada como un objetivo fundamental de la política energética del gobierno Bush. Para lograr este objetivo, Chevron y Exxon aprovecharon principalmente su posición en la economía nacional estadounidense. De hecho, lograron celebrar contratos a largo plazo para la extracción del crudo y de gas en Irak. Fundamentándose en un análisis documental, estas compañías son analizadas como grupos de presión empresarial y grupos económicos, cuyos beneficios derivados de la invasión en Irak pueden encontrarse incluso durante el gobierno Obama.

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Tradicionalmente, la consolidación de la seguridad energética en Estados Unidos se ha mostrado como un asunto de seguridad nacional. En especial, la escasez de recursos energéticos ha sido vista como un problema existencial que requiere de medidas de emergencia en el marco de un proceso de securitización. Sin embargo, esta investigación surgiere que el tema ha sido mayoritariamente politizado a inicios del siglo XXI. Quizá este proceso de securitización tan solo fue implícitamente planteado con ocasión de la invasión a Irak en 2003, en la medida en que dicha intervención pudo haberse inspirado por la necesidad de derrocar a un régimen que había impedido el acceso estadounidense a recursos petroleros iraquíes. En este orden de ideas, la investigación analiza las políticas de seguridad energética de los gobiernos de George W. Bush y Barack H. Obama con el propósito de entender el grado en el que estas estuvieron vinculadas a sus respectivas agendas de seguridad nacional.

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Fundamentalmente basado en documentación del Archivo de la Dirección Nacional de Información c Inteligencia de la Policía de Montevideo, este artículo resume una investigación que pretende contribuir en el avance de una "revaloración" de la frecuentada "excepcionalidad democrática" del Uruguay. Para ello, en el texto se documentan los orígenes y evolución de las sistemáticas estrategias de control desplegadas por el Estado uruguayo desde la persecución de "actividades comunistas" en los años 40 hasta la conformación de la doctrina de abatimiento del "enemigo interno" en los 60.Abstract:This article, mainly based on documents from the Archives of National Burcau of Information and Intelligence Police of Montevideo, summarizes research that aims to contribute to the "revaluation" of the popu­lar "democratic exceptionalism" of Uruguay. To do this, this essay documents the origins and evolution of the systematic control strategies deployed by the Uruguayan State since the persecution of "Communist activities" during the 1940s to the formation of the doctrine of abatement "internal enemy" at the 1960s. 

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In the early twentieth century, musicology was established as an academic discipline in the United States. Nonetheless, with the exception of Iberian medieval and Renaissance repertories, U.S. scholars largely overlooked the music of the Spanish- and Portuguese- speaking world. Why should this have been the case, especially in light of Spain’s strong historical presence in the United States? This autobiographical essay examines this question by tracing the career of an individual musicologist, the Hispanist musicologist Carol A. Hess. Evaluated here are disciplinary shifts in U.S. musicology —methodological, philosophical, and ideological— over the past thirty years. These transformations have combined to make this repertory a viable field of study today. Musicologists in the United States can now make their careers by specializing in Iberian and Latin American music, as well as the music of the Hispanic diaspora. They research topics ranging from the avant-garde composer Llorenç Barber to the rapper Nach Scratch or the popular bandleader Xavier Cugat and his U.S. audiences of the 1940s, while others also pursue the time-tested areas of medieval and Renaissance music. Iberian and Latin American music is regularly offered in postsecondary institutions while instructors now have a variety of textbooks and other pedagogical resources from which to choose. All add up to a disciplinary freedom that would have been unthinkable only a few decades ago.

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This research investigates the Soviet Union’s role in guiding state-building processes of postcolonial Arab countries of the Middle East, leading them to adopt economic and political elements of the socialist-Leninist models of development. The widespread narrative depicts the Soviets as having failed to export communism in those states and, therefore, as having failed to bring them closer to Moscow’s sphere of influence and values. However, various Soviet archives suggest a different reality. As the Cold War burst forth, between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, contacts between Soviet and Arab officials were not just incredibly frequent but they went to the core of all main issues of socio-economic development of these transforming countries: party politics, institution building, agrarian reforms, industrialisation, security sector reforms, etc. The research focuses on a period that may be labelled as ‘the launching phase’ of the Soviet Middle East policy, which established a long-lasting framework for the Soviet-Arab dialogue. It also places significant attention on the ‘personal dimension’ of such a dialogue, showing how Moscow’s influence went hand in hand with the ability of Soviet leaders and diplomats to establish relations of personal trust with postcolonial Arab élites. A selected number of Arab countries are examined: Egypt, Iraq and Syria. For each of these countries, a limited period of time will be taken into consideration, when Soviet influence reached its peak and state-building policies might have drawn from the Soviet model (for Egypt 1954-1958; for Iraq 1958-1963; for Syria 1961-1966). On the one hand, the analysis of specific case-studies will allow to investigate the relationship between Moscow and each of these new Arab regimes; on the other, such a large geographical scope will permit to grasp the elements and the objectives of the broader Soviet policy towards the Middle East region.

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The venture of socialist Eastern Europe in assisting the development efforts of the post-colonial countries opened up official migratory channels to the Global South for a specific labour group engaged under international technical cooperation programmes. By taking post-colonial Algeria as a space of East-South interactions and intense inter-socialist competition, the thesis studies labour mobility from socialist Yugoslavia of a heterogeneous group labelled “technical cooperation experts” in the period from 1962 to 1990. While CMEA members dispatched to the country personnel in great numbers, after 1965, Yugoslavia failed to do so. Tracing them beyond the institutional level, the thesis aims at detecting and exposing factors which inhibited the attempts to increase the presence of Yugoslav technical experts in Algeria. It argues that instead of building an alternative, solidarity-based aid model, Yugoslav technical cooperation with the developing countries was reduced to mediation in the employment of highly-skilled labour abroad. The cooperation scheme, which differed from one of its Eastern European counterparts, manifested in the employment and legal status as well as everyday life and work experiences of Yugoslav citizens. Relying on the methodological approach of global microhistory, which strongly favours the micro-historical analysis of primary sources in studying global processes, the thesis provides a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of Yugoslav globalization endeavours. By shifting the focus to the experiences of ordinary people who were under the strong influence of globalization forces of the Cold War era, the thesis adds a “human” dimension to the history of East-South relations.

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Il soft power di uno Stato è l’immagine che questo dà di sé agli altri, ed è naturalmente riempito di suoi ideali e valori, della sua lingua e delle sue conoscenze. La cultura, nella sua più ampia declinazione, in tal senso si rivela uno strumento diplomatico rilevante nella politica estera dello Stato. Questa può affermarne la presenza, preservarne l’identità, sviluppare forme di solidarietà, favorire obiettivi politici attraverso l’influenza del pubblico internazionale. La diplomazia culturale italiana negli anni di guerra fredda si è rappresentata come “strada operativa” particolare nel più ampio ventaglio di scelte di politica estera del nostro paese, a volte precorrendo le mire e gli obiettivi della diplomazia cosiddetta “tradizionale”. La cultura ha offerto all’Italia una prospettiva aggiuntiva nei termini del dialogo internazionale, ponendosi come canale privilegiato di relazioni difficilmente concertabili altrimenti nel corso della seconda metà del Novecento, segnata dal conflitto bipolare. Nella sua tensione verso la pace e la stabilità, con il suo costante richiamo ai diritti ed ai valori della democrazia, la diplomazia culturale italiana ha potuto inoltre vantare un contributo non secondario nella transizione dalle dinamiche internazionali segnate dalla guerra fredda alla determinazione delle relazioni internazionali propriamente post-bipolari.

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There are still many vintage portland cement concrete (PCC) pavements, 18 ft wide (5.4 m), dating back to pre-World War II era in use today. Successive overlays have been placed to cover joints and to improve rideability. The average thickness of the existing asphalt cement concrete (ACC) along route E66 in Tama County, Iowa, was 6.13 in. (15.6 cm). The rehabilitation strategy called for widening the base using the top 3 in. (7.6 cm) of the existing ACC by a recycling process involving cold milling and mixing with additional emulsion/rejuvenator. The material was then placed into a widening trench and compacted to match the level of the milled surface. This project was undertaken to develop a rehabilitation methodology to widen these older pavements economically and to have a finished surface capable of carrying traffic with little or no additional work.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the untitled historic paper manuscript map: [Map of the Battle of Cold Harbor, Virginia and vicinity]. Scale not given. Covers a portion of Hanover County, Virginia, showing features in the region surrounding the Cold Harbor Battlefield, Virginia, 1864. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Virginia State Plane South Coordinate System (in Meters) (Fipszone 4502). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as roads, towns and villages, drainage, dwellings with names of inhabitants, troop locations with dates, and more. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps of the Civil War from the Harvard Map Collection. Many items from this selection are from a collection of maps deposited by the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States Commandery of the State of Massachusetts (MOLLUS) in the Harvard Map Collection in 1938. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features, in particular showing places of military importance. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

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Hevea brasiliensis is a native species of the Amazon Basin of South America and the primary source of natural rubber worldwide. Due to the occurrence of South American Leaf Blight disease in this area, rubber plantations have been extended to suboptimal regions. Rubber tree breeding is time-consuming and expensive, but molecular markers can serve as a tool for early evaluation, thus reducing time and costs. In this work, we constructed six different cDNA libraries with the aim of developing gene-targeted molecular markers for the rubber tree. A total of 8,263 reads were assembled, generating 5,025 unigenes that were analyzed; 912 expressed sequence tags (ESTs) represented new transcripts, and two sequences were highly up-regulated by cold stress. These unigenes were scanned for microsatellite (SSR) regions and single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). In total, 169 novel EST-SSR markers were developed; 138 loci were polymorphic in the rubber tree, and 98 % presented transferability to six other Hevea species. Locus duplication was observed in H. brasiliensis and other species. Additionally, 43 SNP markers in 13 sequences that showed similarity to proteins involved in stress response, latex biosynthesis and developmental processes were characterized. cDNA libraries are a rich source of SSR and SNP markers and enable the identification of new transcripts. The new markers developed here will be a valuable resource for linkage mapping, QTL identification and other studies in the rubber tree and can also be used to evaluate the genetic variability of other Hevea species, which are valuable assets in rubber tree breeding.

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Filleting yield of Nile tilapia Oreochromis niloticus (L.) is low (30%) and generates large amount of wastes that may turn into environmental and economic problem. However, these wastes can be used for the extraction of minced fish (MF) which can be used in the preparation of sausages. The objective of this study was to assess the quality of sausages prepared with 0, 20, 40, 60, 80 and 100% of MF from Nile tilapia filleting waste during storage at 0±0.3ºC. Alterations in the instrumental color (L*, a* and b*), lipid oxidation (TBARS), total volatile nitrogenous bases (TVB-N), pH, microbiological condition (pathogenic bacteria and aerobic psychrotrophic bacteria), and sensory attributes (color, odor, flavor, texture and overall acceptability) were evaluated for up to 40 days. The addition of MF to sausages increased TBARS values and decreases TVB-N, L*, a* and b* values. Acceptability of color attribute decreased with increasing MF; best flavor, texture and overall acceptability scores were registered for sausages containing 40 and 60% MF; best odor was registered for 100% MF. Pathogenic microorganisms were not detected, but decrease in pH and proliferation of aerobic psychrotrophic bacteria which, however, did not compromise sensory evaluation of sausages were registered throughout storage. Sausages prepared with MF from tilapia filleting waste have a shelf-life of 40 days when stored at 0±0.3ºC, and the maximum recommended MF inclusion to maintain good sensory quality is 60%.

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The aim of this study was to determine the short-term environmental changes caused by the simultaneous passage of a high energy event on two sandy beaches with different morphodynamic states and their influence on the richness, abundance and distribution of the benthic macrofauna. Two microtidal exposed sandy beaches with contrasting morphodynamics were simultaneously sampled before, during and after the passage of two cold fronts in Santa Catarina. The reflective beach showed a higher susceptibility to the increase in wave energy produced by the passage of cold fronts and was characterized by rapid and intense erosive processes in addition to a capacity for rapid restoration of the beach profile. As regards the dissipative beach, erosive processes operated more slowly and progressively, and it was characterized further by a reduced capacity for the recovery of its sub-aerial profile. Although the intensity of the environmental changes was distinct as between the morphodynamic extremes, changes in the composition, richness and abundance of macrobenthos induced by cold fronts were not evident for either of the beaches studied. On the other hand, alterations in the distribution pattern of the macrofauna were observed on the two beaches and were related to variations in sea level, position of the swash zone and moisture gradient, suggesting that short-term accommodations in the spatial structure of the macrobenthos occur in response to changes in environmental conditions in accordance with the temporal dynamics characteristic of each morphodynamic state.