922 resultados para Private institutions


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This paper offers a mediation on disaster, recovery, resilience, and restoration of balance, in both a material and a metaphorical sense, when ‘disaster’ befalls not the body politic of the nation but the body personal. In the past few decades, of course, artists, activists and scholars have deliberately tried to avoid describing personal, physical and phenomenological experiences of the disabled body in terms of difficulty and disaster. This has been part of a political move, from a medical model, in which disability, disease and illness are positioned as personal catastrophes, to a social model, in which disability is positioned as a social construct that comes from systems, institutions and infrastructure designed to exclude different bodies. It is a move that is responsible for a certain discomfort people with disabilities, and artists with disabilities, today feel towards performances that deploy disability as a metaphor for disaster, from Hijikata, to Theatre Hora. In the past five years, though, this particular discourse has begun rising again, particularly as people with disabilities fact their own anything but natural disasters as a result of the austerity measures now widespread across the US, UK, Europe and elsewhere. Measures that threaten people’s ability to live, and take part in social and institutional life, in any meaningful way. Measures that, as artist Katherine Araniello notes, also bring additional difficulty, danger, and potential for disaster as they ripple outwards across the tides of familial ties, threatening family, friends, and careers who become bound up in the struggle to do more with less. In this paper, I consider how people with disabilities use performance, particularly public space interventionalist performance, to reengage, renact and reenvisage the discourse of national, economic, environmental or other forms of disaster, the need for austerity, the need to avoid providing people with support for desires and interests as well as basic daily needs, particularly when fraud and corruption is so right, and other such ideas that have become an all too unpleasant reality for many people. Performances, for instance, like Liz Crow’s Bedding Out, where she invited people into her bed – for people with disabilities a symbolic space, which necessarily becomes more a public living room restaurant, office and so forth than a private space when poor mobility means they spend much time it in – to talk about their lives, their difficulties, and dealing with austerity. Or, for instance, like the Bolshy Divas, who mimic public and political policy, reports and advertising paranoia to undermine their discourses about austerity. I examine the effects, politics and ethics of such interventions, including examination of the comparative effect of highly bodied interventions (like Crow’s) and highly disembodied interventions (like the Bolshy Diva’s) in discourses of difficulty, disaster and austerity on a range of target spectator communities.

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This poster summarises the outcomes of a national project to develop and provide a holistic framework consisting of a series of sequential and increasingly sophisticated stages that will allow higher education institutions (HEIs) to manage and improve their student engagement and retention strategies/programs.

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Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

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Nanotechnology is a new technology which is generating a lot of interest among academicians, practitioners and scientists. Critical research is being carried out in this area all over the world.Governments are creating policy initiatives to promote developments it the nanoscale science and technology developments. Private investment is also seeing a rising trend. Large number of academic institutions and national laboratories has set up research centers that are workingon the multiple applications of nanotechnology. Wide ranges of applications are claimed for nanotechnology. This consists of materials, chemicals, textiles, semiconductors, to wonder drug delivery systems and diagnostics. Nanotechnology is considered to be a next big wave of technology after information technology and biotechnology. In fact, nanotechnology holds the promise of advances that exceed those achieved in recent decades in computers and biotechnology. Much interest in nanotechnology also could be because of the fact that enormous monetary benefits are expected from nanotechnology based products. According to NSF, revenues from nanotechnology could touch $ 1 trillion by 2015. However much of the benefits are projected ones. Realizing claimed benefits require successful development of nanoscience andv nanotechnology research efforts. That is the journey of invention to innovation has to be completed. For this to happen the technology has to flow from laboratory to market. Nanoscience and nanotechnology research efforts have to come out in the form of new products, new processes, and new platforms.India has also started its Nanoscience and Nanotechnology development program in under its 10(th) Five Year Plan and funds worth Rs. One billion have been allocated for Nanoscience and Nanotechnology Research and Development. The aim of the paper is to assess Nanoscience and Nanotechnology initiatives in India. We propose a conceptual model derived from theresource based view of the innovation. We have developed a structured questionnaire to measure the constructs in the conceptual model. Responses have been collected from 115 scientists and engineers working in the field of Nanoscience and Nanotechnology. The responses have been analyzed further by using Principal Component Analysis, Cluster Analysis and Regression Analysis.

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Nature-based tourism is one of the fastest growing tourism sectors at the moment. It is also the form of tourism that often benefits the economy of rural areas. In addition to state owned forests, nature-based tourism is in many countries situated in private forests, which are not owned by entrepreneurs themselves. Therefore, the ownership issues and property rights form central challenges for the business activities. The maintenance of good relationships between private forest owners and entrepreneurs, as well as combining their interests, becomes vital. These relationships are typically exceptionally asymmetrical, granting the forest owner unilateral rights regulating the business activities in their forests. Despite this, the co-operation is typically very informal and the existing economic compensation models do not necessarily cover all the forest owners’ costs. The ownership issues bring their own characteristics to the relationship. Therefore, we argue that different aspects of ownership, especially psychological ones, have to be more critically examined and taken into consideration in order to build truly successful relations between these parties. This is crucial for sustaining the business activities. The core of psychological ownership is the sense of possession. Psychological ownership can be defined as a state, in which individuals perceive the target of ownership, the object or idea, as “theirs”. The concept of psychological ownership has so far been mainly used in the context of professional organizations. In this research, it has been used to explain the relationships between private forest owners and nature-based entrepreneurs. The aim of this study is to provide new information concerning the effect of psychological ownership on the collaboration and to highlight the good practices. To address the complexity of the phenomenon, qualitative case study methods were adopted to understand the role of ownership at the level of subjective experience. The empirical data was based on 27 in-depth interviews with private forest owners and nature-based tourism entrepreneurs. The data was analysed by using the methods of qualitative analysis to construct different typologies to describe the essence of successful collaboration. As a result of the study, the special characteristics and the practical level expressions of the psychological ownership in the privately owned forest context were analysed. Four different strategies to perceive these ownership characteristics in co-operation relationships were found. By taking the psychological ownership into consideration via these strategies, the nature-based entrepreneurs aim to balance the co-operation relationship and minimise the risks in long term activities based on privately owned forests.

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This paper examines the impact of a regime shift on the valuation of politically powerful oligarch firms. Focusing on the Yeltsin-Putin regime shift in Russia, we find that the valuations of outside shareholders claims are significantly higher under the Putin regime than under the Yeltsin regime after controlling for industry and time effects. The findings suggest that the increasing cost of extracting private benefits outweigh the reduction in the value of political connections following the political regime change. The results are also consistent with changes in the risk of state expropriation. Our results show that effects driven by the political regime change complement the traditional view stating that increased ownership concentration improved the performance of Russian oligarch firms.

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In Somalia the central government collapsed in 1991 and since then state failure became a widespread phenomenon and one of the greatest political and humanitarian problems facing the world in this century. Thus, the main objective of this research is to answer the following question: What went wrong? Most of the existing literature on the political economy of conflict starts from the assumption that state in Africa is predatory by nature. Unlike these studies, the present research, although it uses predation theory, starts from the social contract approach of state definition. Therefore, rather than contemplating actions and policies of the rulers alone, this approach allows us to deliberately bring the role of the society – as citizens – and other players into the analyses. In Chapter 1, after introducing the study, a simple principal-agent model will be developed to check the logical consistence of the argument and to make the identification of causal mechanism easier. I also identify three main actors in the process of state failure in Somalia: the Somali state, Somali society and the superpowers. In Chapter 2, so as to understand the incentives, preferences and constraints of each player in the state failure game, I in some depth analyse the evolution and structure of three central informal institutions: identity based patronage system of leadership, political tribalism, and the Cold War. These three institutions are considered as the rules of the game in the Somali state failure. Chapter 3 summarises the successive civilian governments’ achievements and failures (1960-69) concerning the main national goals, national unification and socio-economic development. Chapter 4 shows that the military regime, although it assumed power through extralegal means, served to some extent the developmental interest of the citizens in the first five years of its rule. Chapter 5 shows the process, and the factors involved, of the military regime’s self-transformation from being an agent for the developmental interests of the society to a predatory state that not only undermines the interests of the society but that also destroys the state itself. Chapter 6 addresses the process of disintegration of the post-colonial state of Somalia. The chapter shows how the regime’s merciless reactions to political ventures by power-seeking opposition leaders shattered the entire country and wrecked the state institutions. Chapter 7 concludes the study by summarising the main findings: due to the incentive structures generated by the informal institutions, the formal state institutions fell apart.

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Financing trade between economic agents located in different countries is affected by many types of risks, resulting from incomplete information about the debtor, the problems of enforcing international contracts, or the prevalence of political and financial crises. Trade is important for economic development and the availability of trade finance is essential, especially for developing countries. Relatively few studies treat the topic of political risk, particularly in the context of international lending. This thesis explores new ground to identify links between political risk and international debt defaults. The core hypothesis of the study is that the default probability of debt increases with increasing political risk in the country of the borrower. The thesis consists of three essays that support the hypothesis from different angles of the credit evaluation process. The first essay takes the point of view of an international lender assessing the credit risk of a public borrower. The second investigates creditworthiness assessment of companies. The obtained results are substantiated in the third essay that deals with an extensive political risk survey among finance professionals in developing countries. The financial instruments of core interest are export credit guaranteed debt initiated between the Export Credit Agency of Finland and buyers in 145 countries between 1975 and 2006. Default events of the foreign credit counterparts are conditioned on country-specific macroeconomic variables, corporate-specific accounting information as well as political risk indicators from various international sources. Essay 1 examines debt issued to government controlled institutions and conditions public default events on traditional macroeconomic fundamentals, in addition to selected political and institutional risk factors. Confirming previous research, the study finds country indebtedness and the GDP growth rate to be significant indicators of public default. Further, it is shown that public defaults respond to various political risk factors. However, the impact of the risk varies between countries at different stages of economic development. Essay 2 proceeds by investigating political risk factors as conveivable drivers of corporate default and uses traditional accounting variables together with new political risk indicators in the credit evaluation of private debtors. The study finds links between corporate default and leverage, as well as between corporate default and the general investment climate and measeures of conflict in the debtor country. Essay 3 concludes the thesis by offering survey evidence on the impact of political risk on debt default, as perceived and experienced by 103 finance professionals in 38 developing countries. Taken together, the results of the thesis suggest that various forms of political risk are associated with international debt defaults and continue to pose great concerns for both international creditors and borrowers in developing countries. The study provides new insights on the importance of variable selection in country risk analysis, and shows how political risk is actually perceived and experienced in the riskier, often lower income countries of the global economy.

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This paper examines the potential impact of new capital requirements on asset allocations of Finnish pension institutions. We describe the new requirements and consider portfolio construction to minimize regulatory capital, given the investor’s preferred level of expected return. Results identify portfolio transactions that enhance expected return without increasing capital needs. Regulation calls for portfolio diversification and prudence in management, but this paper shows that market participants can exploit inconsistencies in regulation. Possible future consequences include capital outflows from the pension system and an unintended decrease in pre-funding of old-age pensions.

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The present study focuses on the question of agency in the narratives of women who have experienced an abortion. The study scrutinizes agency by analyzing narratives and their context, that is, how narratives are entwined with cultural discourses and societal practices. The study thus addresses also the wider framework within which experiences and actions can be constructed in abortion narratives in the contemporary Finnish society. The women who wrote their stories or were interviewed were of different ages and had different social and religious backgrounds. Many variations of agency were found when abortion experiences were analyzed through the women s embodied and historically specific accounts. Independent and rational choices are entwined with emotions and choices made together with other people. Intimate relationships with family and friends have an important role in the choices regarding abortion. These relationships do not, however, simply belong in the private sphere but reflect the wider socio-cultural meanings of social bonds and family ties. Women s agency with regard to abortion is also constructed in encounters with the medical profession and within the wider framework of abortion legislation. The Finnish legislation grants women an abortion within certain parameters but not solely on the basis of a woman s wish to have an abortion. The data consists primarily of written narratives and interviews. All together 39 women shared their experiences with the researcher. The analysis focuses on decision-making regarding abortion, depictions of freedom and responsibility, emotions around abortion and expressions of values and religious views. The links between the women's experiences and the wider socio-cultural norms and institutions are analyzed through materials consisting of public debate on abortion in the media, ethical statements as well as literature and legislation on abortion. The analysis sheds light on the tensions apparent in the women's narratives between the legal status of abortion and more traditional views on abortion. The study demonstrates that the freedom linked to abortion is not solely to do with the right to have an abortion but also how abortion can be experienced, understood and where one can talk about the experience afterwards. The analysis reveals that Christian values shape women's experiences but that there are also new religious ways to deal with the ethical considerations brought about by abortion. Annually over 10 000 Finnish women experience an abortion, which is a situation involving ethical considerations. The study provides a nuanced account of the ways in which one can think and act when going through an abortion.