O Serviço Social na Unidade de Transplantação Hepática Pediátrica e a Criação da Associação de Crianças e Jovens Transplantados ou com Doenças Hepáticas – HEPATURIX pelo Direito à Saúde

Com a crise financeira que se tem vindo a agudizar, com o agravamento da pobreza e exclusão social, associados a problemas de saúde e à emergência de problemas sociais (como o desemprego e a pobreza) tem assomado uma vaga de iniciativas de movimentos da sociedade civil. São novas formas de organização e resposta a situações específicas de grupos de indivíduos na luta por políticas públicas e direitos sociais tais como o da saúde, da habitação, da educação, do trabalho, entre outras. Nos finais da década de 70, em Portugal, a criação do Serviço Nacional de Saúde intenta o acesso à saúde garantido a todos os cidadãos. Nos anos 80 o Estado limita este direito baseado no princípio da justiça social protegendo os grupos mais desfavorecidos. Institui as taxas moderadoras e define as isenções para alguns doentes crónicos. Perante a desigualdade de direitos que daí advém, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, a partir dos anos 90, surgem movimentos associativos em prol dos direitos de saúde, criados e dinamizados por Assistentes Sociais, nomeadamente as Associações Acreditar em 1993, a Coração Feliz em 1994, a Associação Nacional de Fibrose Quística em 1996 e já no século XXI a Diabéticos Todo o Terreno em 2004 e a Hepaturix em 2006. A Hepaturix – Associação de Crianças e Jovens Transplantados ou com Doenças Hepáticas – fundada já no século XXI e cuja actividade será descrita neste trabalho, tem vindo a lutar pelos direitos sociais desta população, com a colaboração da Assistente Social que, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, apoia a Unidade de Transplantação Hepática Pediátrica. Entre outros, a isenção das taxas moderadoras para os doentes transplantados e para os dadores vivos assim como o direito aos transportes nas deslocações para o hospital após o transplante, são direitos sociais alcançados pela Hepaturix através da sensibilização do poder político. A Assistente Social tem sido um pilar neste percurso, sendo mediadora entre a instituição e a associação, em prol do direito destas crianças e jovens. / With the financial crisis that has been worsening, with increased poverty and social exclusion associated with health problems and the emergency of social problems (such as unemployment and poverty) there has been a loomed wave of initiatives for movements from the civil society. These are new ways of organization and response to specific situations of groups of individuals in the strike for public policies and social rights such as health, habitation, education, work, among others. In the late 70s, in Portugal, the creation of the National Health Service intents the access to health care guaranteed to all citizens. In the 80s the government limits this right based on the principle of social justice, protecting the most disadvantaged groups. Establishes user fees and defines the exemptions for some chronically ill. Before the inequality of rights resulted from this, there has been a rising of associative movements for health rights, created and dynamized by Social Workers at the Pediatric Hospital of Coimbra, from the 90s on: "Acreditar" in 1993, "Coração Feliz" in 1994, Associação Nacional da Fibrose Quistica" in 1996 and now, in the XXI century: "Diabéticos Todo o Terreno"in 2004 and "Hepaturix" in 2006. The “Hepaturix” - Association of Transplanted Children and Youth or with Hepatic Diseases - founded in the twenty-first century, whose will be discussed in this work, has been fighting for social rights of this population, with the cooperation of the Social Work who, at the Children’s Hospital of Coimbra, supports the Pediatric Hepatic Transplantation Unit. Among others, the exemption of user fees for transplanted patients and living donors as well as the right to transport at dislocations to the hospital after transplant, are social rights accomplished by Hepaturix, through the awareness of political power. The Social Worker has been a pillar in this journey, being a mediator between the institution and the association on behalf of the rights of these children and youth.

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coalizão

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

O Modelo de gestão participativa do Plano Nacional do Turismo (PNT-2003/2007): a atuação do CONETUR/RN

To implement policies and plans at the tourist sector involve disposition to the establishment of parceries among government and private initiative, space to the action of studious, researchers and professionals of several areas of knowledge and formation, able of to give new courses no only at the tourism, but to the economy how a every, seen which the tourism had a effect multiplicator, reaching 52 sectors of the economy. At this sense, the Brazil came pruning for a new phase of politic actuation at the touristy activity. Until the year 2002, the tourism politic in the Brazil no had detail, because herself treated of isolated actions and many without continuity. However, at to start 2003, several actions were developed in order to contribute for the national touristy planning. The principal was the creation of Ministério do Turismo, accompanied of the formulation and implementation of the Plano Nacional do Turismo (2003/2007). This work pretend to understand the implementation at the Rio Grande do Norte of the model of participative administration extolled by Plano Nacional do Turismo. The your centre detail the action of the Conselho Estadual de Turismo do Rio Grande do Norte (CONETUR), to promote the participation at the tourism public policies. The bibliographical research contemplated diverse sources in order to compile knowledge of credential authors in the quarrel of inherent subjects to the participation and to the tourism public policies, especially at the Brazil. A qualitative perspective the case study was adapted as research method and for attainment of the data interviews with the members of the Conselho had been carried through beyond consultation the referring documents the dynamics of functioning of the Conselho. The principal actuations of the CONETUR, the directives tourism public policies already made and directed to implementation, the type of participation at made decision, the principal difficulties of the implementation of the participative administration model of the Plano Nacional do Turismo and the degree of participation of the members of the Conselho at the reunions had been identified. The results had shown that exist some difficulties at the implementation of the participation at the Conselho Estadual de Turismo do Rio Grande do Norte, knowledge of the Conselheiros of CONETUR function, the presence of bodies which doesn t directly connected at the touristy activity; the absence of time of the Conselheiros to be presents at reunions; the discontinuity of the presidency of the Conselho; among others. So, the CONETUR show himself how a Conselho with participative characteristics, but with some adapted needs.

Parcerias municipais com o terceiro setor: o caso do conselho municipal dos direitos da criança e do adolescente de Natal

The relationship between the State and the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) needs to be analyzed and debated by the objective to extinguish or to reduce the existent failures in this partnership in order that the whole society may benefit from it. To understand how the partnership between the public and NGOs work is fundamental. The present study searches to contribute to a better understanding of this matter. With this aim, the research focused the partnership formed between Natal Child and Adolescent Council (COMDICA) and NGOs which were selected by public notice in 2007. Theoretical references were based on the Continuum of Collaboration proposed by Austin (2001) that serves to differentiate the degree and the mode of interaction between the two organizations. It was observed that in some points there is a lack in the interaction between COMDICA and the NGOs. The frequent change of the government counselors makes difficult a more intense involvement and partnership awareness with the NGOs. The NGOs members need to be more involved with the activities of COMDICA and search for a larger participation in the assemblies, on the discussions and on the intrinsic council actions. The relationship must also be rethought, since that the partnership must not be limited to financial resources support. The channels of communication must be improved and become more frequent. The evaluation and monitoring of social projects are poor and own methodologies need to be elaborated. Therefore, it is necessary to make some adjustments in this relationship involving not only the partnerships made by the selected ONGs, but also all those who assist the child and the adolescent. A closer relation makes possible a greater effectiveness of the public policies on one side and on the other side improves the performance of the COMDICA and the NGOs

Programa ciclovida como política de mobilidade urbana sustentável: estudo empírico na Universidade Federal do Paraná

The urban mobility has in the bicycle its symbol of the most environmentally sustainable modal of transportation of the planet, title conferred by the United Nations Organization (ONU). Nevertheless, the cities suffer with the traffic jam caused by the automobile fleet growth, what implies in a larger displacement time, injuries to the environment, to financials and to the quality of life. In order to build in a sustainable way the urban mobility, public policies are necessary to encourage the preferential usage, by the society, of the mass transit or the non-motorized type of transportation. Objecting cooperate with the public power and the civil society, this study intents to, through an analysis about the UFPR Extension Program - CICLOVIDA, propose a sustainable urban mobility public policy development, with emphasis in the bicycle´s usage. eferentially, it is discussed concepts such as Society, State and Government as well as public policies, which go in cycles to the State´s and Government´s responsibilities; and are presented the Sustainable Urban Mobility Public Policies (PPMUS) in Brazil. Also, it is debated about the transport by bicycle as an option to the sustainable mobility. Methodologically, the study is of an empiric-social nature, with the application of both qualitative and observational methods, what characterizes as an exploratory level of research, with the researcher´s involvement in the participant form, due to her acting on the Program. Regarding the research lineation, it was used the bibliographic and documental form as well as case study, by means of the nonparametric sampling by accessibility or convenience. Related to the data collection technique, it was used structured interviews with self-applied questionnaires and natural participant observation. Aligned with the research´s objective and matter, the outcome confirmed that the Extension Program CICLOVIDA of the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR) may effectively contribute in the development of a PPMUS proposal with emphasis in the bicycle usage. Thus, it was built a political proposal with a free form writing, objecting subsidize policies both institutional as public MUS through the bicycle usage and therefore, support the mobility, also contributing to the sustainability and to the public development planning.

Controle social e políticas públicas: contribuições para aprimorar o controle social do programa nacional de alimentação escolar

The National School Feeding Programme (PNAE) is a public policy in Brazil for over 60 years and represents one of the most important programs of feeding and nutrition in the world. The role of family farming as a source of employment in rural areas, food provider and for ensuring much of the Brazil’s food security is constantly present at the government's and social movement’s agendas. Law 11.947 of 2009 marked its integration in the food supply for the National School Feeding Programme. Article 14 of aforementioned law highlights that a minimum of 30% (thirty percent) of the funds transferred by the National Development Fund Education (FNDE) to the Programme must be used for the purchase of food directly from family farmers or their organizations. The national school feeding policy under the responsibility of the FNDE and is subjected to agencies of internal control, such as the General Controllership of the Union (CGU), of external control, such as the Audit Courts of the Union and the of the states, and to the social control of the school feeding councils. Those funds are transferred to the implementing agencies, which are the education offices of the states, municipalities and of the Federal District. These entities must annually present their accountings to the School Feeding Councils, which analyze them and then issue a conclusive report to the FNDE, approving with or without reservations, or rejecting them. In this sense, this research aims to propose parameters that should contribute to the improvement of the social control over purchases from family farming for the National School Feeding Programme. The study was conducted by non parametric sampling alongside the managers of the implementing entities, school feeding councils and Family Farming Organizations all across Brazil, from the databases provided by FNDE and by the National Union of Cooperatives of Family Agriculture and Solidarity Economy (Unicafes). The study points out that the legal framework of PNAE seeks to ensure the participation of family farming in the food supply for the Programme, despite allowing the executing agencies to justify the non-compliance of the minimum required in a number of ways. The survey also signalizes that the school feeding councils follow the implementation of the Programme very shyly, and points out that there is room to expand and enhance the participation of these councils and organizations of family farming in the execution of PNAE. Its effectiveness requires a constant and effective process of training of the agents involved in the Programme.

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coalizão

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

O Modelo de gestão participativa do Plano Nacional do Turismo (PNT-2003/2007): a atuação do CONETUR/RN

To implement policies and plans at the tourist sector involve disposition to the establishment of parceries among government and private initiative, space to the action of studious, researchers and professionals of several areas of knowledge and formation, able of to give new courses no only at the tourism, but to the economy how a every, seen which the tourism had a effect multiplicator, reaching 52 sectors of the economy. At this sense, the Brazil came pruning for a new phase of politic actuation at the touristy activity. Until the year 2002, the tourism politic in the Brazil no had detail, because herself treated of isolated actions and many without continuity. However, at to start 2003, several actions were developed in order to contribute for the national touristy planning. The principal was the creation of Ministério do Turismo, accompanied of the formulation and implementation of the Plano Nacional do Turismo (2003/2007). This work pretend to understand the implementation at the Rio Grande do Norte of the model of participative administration extolled by Plano Nacional do Turismo. The your centre detail the action of the Conselho Estadual de Turismo do Rio Grande do Norte (CONETUR), to promote the participation at the tourism public policies. The bibliographical research contemplated diverse sources in order to compile knowledge of credential authors in the quarrel of inherent subjects to the participation and to the tourism public policies, especially at the Brazil. A qualitative perspective the case study was adapted as research method and for attainment of the data interviews with the members of the Conselho had been carried through beyond consultation the referring documents the dynamics of functioning of the Conselho. The principal actuations of the CONETUR, the directives tourism public policies already made and directed to implementation, the type of participation at made decision, the principal difficulties of the implementation of the participative administration model of the Plano Nacional do Turismo and the degree of participation of the members of the Conselho at the reunions had been identified. The results had shown that exist some difficulties at the implementation of the participation at the Conselho Estadual de Turismo do Rio Grande do Norte, knowledge of the Conselheiros of CONETUR function, the presence of bodies which doesn t directly connected at the touristy activity; the absence of time of the Conselheiros to be presents at reunions; the discontinuity of the presidency of the Conselho; among others. So, the CONETUR show himself how a Conselho with participative characteristics, but with some adapted needs.

Parcerias municipais com o terceiro setor: o caso do conselho municipal dos direitos da criança e do adolescente de Natal

The relationship between the State and the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) needs to be analyzed and debated by the objective to extinguish or to reduce the existent failures in this partnership in order that the whole society may benefit from it. To understand how the partnership between the public and NGOs work is fundamental. The present study searches to contribute to a better understanding of this matter. With this aim, the research focused the partnership formed between Natal Child and Adolescent Council (COMDICA) and NGOs which were selected by public notice in 2007. Theoretical references were based on the Continuum of Collaboration proposed by Austin (2001) that serves to differentiate the degree and the mode of interaction between the two organizations. It was observed that in some points there is a lack in the interaction between COMDICA and the NGOs. The frequent change of the government counselors makes difficult a more intense involvement and partnership awareness with the NGOs. The NGOs members need to be more involved with the activities of COMDICA and search for a larger participation in the assemblies, on the discussions and on the intrinsic council actions. The relationship must also be rethought, since that the partnership must not be limited to financial resources support. The channels of communication must be improved and become more frequent. The evaluation and monitoring of social projects are poor and own methodologies need to be elaborated. Therefore, it is necessary to make some adjustments in this relationship involving not only the partnerships made by the selected ONGs, but also all those who assist the child and the adolescent. A closer relation makes possible a greater effectiveness of the public policies on one side and on the other side improves the performance of the COMDICA and the NGOs

Who Governs Educational Change? The Paradoxes of State Power and the Pursuit of Educational Reform in Post-Neoliberal Ecuador (2007-2015)

This study identifies and compares competing policy stories of key actors involved in the Ecuadorian education reform under President Rafael Correa from 2007-2015. By revealing these competing policy stories the study generates insights into the political and technical aspects of education reform in a context where state capacity has been eroded by decades of neoliberal policies. Since the elections in 2007, President Correa has focused much of his political effort and capital on reconstituting the state’s authority and capacity to not only formulate but also implement public policies. The concentration of power combined with a capacity building agenda allowed the Correa government to advance an ambitious comprehensive education reform with substantive results in equity and quality. At the same time the concentration of power has undermined a more inclusive and participatory approach which are essential for deepening and sustaining the reform. This study underscores both the limits and importance of state control over education; the inevitable conflicts and complexities associated with education reforms that focus on quality; and the limits and importance of participation in reform. Finally, it examines the analytical benefits of understanding governance, participation and quality as socially constructed concepts that are tied to normative and ideological interests.

O consumo na estratégia de desenvolvimento sustentável brasileira

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Estudos Avançados Multidisciplinares, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento, Sociedade e Cooperação Internacional, 2016.

Standardized environmental management systems as an internal management tool

In a principal-agent model we analyze the firm’s decision to adopt an informal or a standardized Environmental Management System (EMS). Our results are consistent with empirical evidence in several respects. A standardized EMS increases the internal control at the cost of introducing some degree of rigidity that entails an endogenous setup cost. Standardized systems are more prone to be adopted by big and well established firms and under tougher environmental policies. Firms with standardized EMS tend to devote more effort to abatement although this effort results in lower pollution only if public incentives are strong enough, suggesting a complementarity relationship between standardized EMS and public policies. Emission charges have both a marginal effect on abatement and a qualitative effect on the adoption decision that may induce a conflict between private and public interests. As a result of the combination of these two effects it can be optimal for the government to distort the tax in a specific way in order to push the firm to choose the socially optimal EMS. The introduction of standardized systems can result in win-win situations where firms, society and the environment get better off.

Acesso à alimentação como direito social no Brasil : implicações para a sociedade e para o sistema nacional de informações

A Emenda Constitucional 64/2010 garantiu Direito Humano à Alimentação como direito básico e social, alterando o Artigo 6º da Constituição Federal. O artigo analisa as significativas implicações desta alteração na gestão das políticas públicas brasileiras Ao assegurar o Direito à Alimentação como direito básico e social, a Carta constituiu um dever, ou uma obrigação positiva do Estado brasileiro. O artigo discute também o significado desta mudança para o sistema brasileiro de informações, argumentando que já existem fontes de dados e sistema de indicadores construídos para o monitoramento consistente das situações de (in)segurança alimentar e nutricional no país, restando agora ao governo federal e aos gestores do Sistema Brasileiro de Informações Estatísticas e Geográficas definir a regularidade e a frequência da aplicação e divulgação destes instrumentos. Nossa atenção se concentrará basicamente nas possibilidades de uso da Pesquisa de Orçamentos Familiares e da Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra Domiciliar como fontes de dados. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

Le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace d’autodétermination : les cas de l’Accord de Kelowna et de la Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation

L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression.