An improved representation of vehicle incompatibility in frontal NCAP tests using a modified rigid barrier

With the objective of better understanding the significance of New Car Assessment Program (NCAP) tests conducted by the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA), head-on collisions between two identical cars of different sizes and between cars and a pickup truck are studied in the present paper using LS-DYNA models. Available finite element models of a compact car (Dodge Neon), midsize car (Dodge Intrepid), and pickup truck (Chevrolet C1500) are first improved and validated by comparing theanalysis-based vehicle deceleration pulses against corresponding NCAP crash test histories reported by NHTSA. In confirmation of prevalent perception, simulation-bascd results indicate that an NCAP test against a rigid barrier is a good representation of a collision between two similar cars approaching each other at a speed of 56.3 kmph (35 mph) both in terms of peak deceleration and intrusions. However, analyses carried out for collisions between two incompatible vehicles, such as an Intrepid or Neon against a C1500, point to the inability of the NCAP tests in representing the substantially higher intrusions in the front upper regions experienced by the cars, although peak decelerations in cars arc comparable to those observed in NCAP tests. In an attempt to improve the capability of a front NCAP test to better represent real-world crashes between incompatible vehicles, i.e., ones with contrasting ride height and lower body stiffness, two modified rigid barriers are studied. One of these barriers, which is of stepped geometry with a curved front face, leads to significantly improved correlation of intrusions in the upper regions of cars with respect to those yielded in the simulation of collisions between incompatible vehicles, together with the yielding of similar vehicle peak decelerations obtained in NCAP tests.

Globalization and the Political : in the Borderlands with the Zapatista Movement

This study explores the meaning, content and significance of the political as manifest in the Mexican Zapatista movement as historically and geopolitically situated struggle. The case study undertakes a critical analysis of the development, organization, practice and discourse of the movement by drawing on fieldwork experiences, interviews, discussions, documents, films and other material produced by the movement, and the critical engagement with the research of others, especially in Latin America and Mexico. The dissertation poses the need to reconsider what constitutes and what we understand by the political , related particularly to the challenges provided by the critical globalization literature, decolonization and the study of social movements. The analysis encompasses several inter-related levels: the theoretical knowledge regarding the conceptualization of the political; the methodological level, regarding how such research can and should be conducted and knowledge claims formulated given the inescapable context and effects of global power relations; and the substantive level of adding specific information and analytical insights to existing knowledge of the Zapatista movement. As a result of conceptualization of a range of practices and processes, distinct understandings of the political can be underlined. Firstly, the conception of the indigenous and the struggles as indigenous movements as specifically political, not just a cultural or ethnic identity or a static quality but rather, an active consciousness integrally linked both to a longer history of oppression and as political articulation in the concrete context and lived experience of contemporary struggle. Secondly, the practice of autonomy as central to an understanding of the political in the context of the Zapatista struggle as a practical response to the situation of oppression, counter-insurgency, siege and conflict in Chiapas, as well as a positively informed mode of political self-understanding, expression and practice in its own right. Thirdly, the notion of geopolitical positioning as important to understanding of the political that encompasses the historicity of specific context and the power relations which shape that context, developed in two different ways: in regard to the positioning of the researcher and knowledge production with and about the Zapatistas, and in regard to the practice and knowledge of the Zapatistas as a decolonizing force in their encounters, interaction and relations with others, especially the global civil society. Finally, the role of silence, absence, invisibility, revelation and hiding in political practice as a deliberate strategy in response to oppressive power. -

Quest for authenticity - representation of the Sami image in Christmas tourism

Tourism is one of important livelihoods in Lapland. Christmas tourism was launched in the early 1980s and it became a success story - being labelled as the most epochal tourism product in Finland. Hence, today Christmas tourists are one of the most significant foreign groups arriving to Lapland during the winter season and contributing considerably to the economics of the northeastern periphery of the EU. Christmas tourism concentrates around Father Christmas who uses reindeer for transportation. The Sämi are the only indigenous people in the EU. They are all stereotypically perceived to be reindeer herders. Somehow these three, that is, Santa Claus, reindeer and the Sämi, have been incorporated into same fairytale dominion. In practice, this has happened by using the most visible cultural but also significant identity marker of the Sämi, the Sämi costume. This, in turn, has created controversy over authenticity due to manners in which the costume is used in tourism - often in imitational, mismatched forms by non-Sämi. In this thesis, after relevant literature review I intend to establish how the Sâmi are represented in Christmas tourism through visual data consisting of ten images from three foreign sources. Then I clarify why and to whom it matters of how the Sâmi are represented in Christmas tourism with the aid of 65 questionnaires and nineteen expert interviews collected mainly in the Finnish Sâmi Home Region in October 2009. Through the multiplicity of the voices of various interest and ethnic groups and by using critical discourse analysis I attempt to give an overview of the respondents' opinions and look at some preliminary solutions to the controversy. Based on my data, the non-Sami appear to accept the Sami costume usage in Christmas tourism most readily. Consequently, respect and attitudinal changes have become the respondents' propositions in addition to common set of rules of how the Sami image could be appropriated without violating the integrity of the Sami people, or a similar system of S¿m¡ Duodji trademark guaranteeing the authenticity of the tourism products. Additionally, though half of the interviewees explicate Sami presence in Christmas tourism by adding local flavour to otherwise commercial enterprise, the other half see no rationale to connect facts with fiction, that is, the Sami with Santa Claus.

Korkeakoulupolitiikan dynamiikat Suomessa

The study scrutinizes the dynamics of the Finnish higher education political system. Dynamics is understood as the regularity of interaction between actors. By actors is meant the central institutions in the system. The theoretical framework of the study draws on earlier research in political science and higher education political studies. The theoretical model for analysis is built on agenda-setting theories. The theoretical model separates two dimensions of dynamics, namely the political situation and political possibilities. A political situation can be either favourable or contradictory to change. If the institutional framework within the higher education system is not compatible with the external factors of the system, the political situation is contradictory to change. To change the situation into a favourable one, one needs either to change the institutional structure or wait for external factors to change. Then again, the political possibilities can be either settled or politicized. Politicization means that new possibilities for action are found. Settled possibilities refer to routine actions performed according to old practices. The research tasks based on the theoretical model are: 1. To empirically analyse the political situation and the possibilities from the actors point of view. 2. To theoretically construct and empirically test a model for analysis of dynamics in the Finnish higher education politics. The research material consists of 25 thematic interviews with key persons in the higher education political system in 2008. In addition, there are also documents from different actors since the 1980s and statistical data. The material is analysed in four phases. In the first phase the emphasis is on trying to understand the interviewees and actors points of view. In the second phase the different types of research material are related to each other. In the third phase the findings are related to the theoretical model, which is constructed over the course of the analysis. In the fourth phase the interpretation is tested. The research distinguishes three historical periods in the Finnish higher education system and focuses on the last one. This is the era of the complex system beginning in the 1980s 1990s. Based on the interviews, four policy threads are identified and analysed in their historical context. Each of the policy threads represents one of the four possible dynamics identified in the theoretical model. The research policy thread functions according to reform dynamics. A coalition of innovation politics is able to use the politicized possibilities due to the political situation created by the conception of the national innovation system. The regional policy thread is in a gridlock dynamics. The combination of a political system based on provincial representation, a regional higher education institutional framework and outside pressure to streamline the higher education structure created a contradictory political situation. Because of this situation, the politicized possibilities in the so-called "regional development plan" do not have much effect. In the international policy thread, a consensual change dynamics is found. Through changes in the institutional framework, the higher education political system is moulded into a favourable situation. However, the possibilities are settled: a pragmatic national gaze prevailed. A dynamics of friction is found in the governance policy thread. A political situation where political-strategic and budgetary decision-making are separated is not favourable for change. In addition, as governance policy functions according to settled possibilities, the situation seems unchangeable. There are five central findings. First, the dynamics are different depending on the policy thread under scrutiny. Second, the settled possibilities in a policy thread seemed to influence other threads the most. Third, dynamics are much related to changes external to the higher education political system, the changing positions of the actors in different policy threads and the unexpected nature of the dynamics. Fourth, it is fruitful to analyse the dynamics with the theoretical model. Fifth, but only hypothetically and thus left for further research, it seems that the Finnish higher education politics is reactive and weak at politicization.

Representation av kvinnor och män – Hur prioriterar riksdagsledamöter frågor i den finska riksdagen? En kvantitativ studie av motionerna i riksdagen 2007

Pro gradu uppsatsen diskuterar betydelsen av representation för grupper i samhället genom att diskutera kvinnors representation. Kvinnor är en grupp i samhället som länge varit underrepresenterad, men som under de senaste 100 åren fått en betydligt bättre position i den offentliga beslutfattningen. För att ge bakgrund till frågeställningen beskrivs kvinnors deltagande i den finska riksdagen. Begreppen deskriptiv, substantiell och symbolisk representation diskuteras. Undersökningar av kvinnors representation både deskriptivt och substantiellt på parlamentsnivå presenteras. Forskningsfrågan i uppsatsen består av fyra frågeställningar om hur motioner görs i riksdagen och hur kön kan identifieras i motionerna. Frågeställningarna bygger på den teoretiska diskussionen och meningen med frågeställningar är att styra analysen av motionerna. I teoriavsnittet behandlas kvinnors representation och den vetenskapliga diskussionen om sambandet mellan substantiell och deskriptiv representation. Diskussionen utgår från Hanna Pitkins olika kategorier av representation. I den teoretiska diskussionen behandlas även begreppen den kritiska massan, närvarons politik och kritiska aktörer. I stycket diskuteras även vilka frågeställningar, som är relevanta att undersöka när man diskuterar kvinnors representation i samhället. När representationen av kvinnor diskuteras är det viktigt att minnas att kvinnor inte utgör en homogen grupp och att även män kan representera kvinnor innehållsmässigt. Efter den teoretiska diskussionen presenteras metoden för undersökningen. Som metod används kvantitativa statistiska metoder för att kunna undersöka ett större material, som kan ge en bättre helhetsbild av hur kvinnor representeras i motionerna. Materialet för undersökningen är motioner som är gjorda i den finska riksdagen 2007. Resultaten i undersökningen visar att motionerna används av både opposition och regering och att det finns en möjlighet för samarbete över partigränser. Andra faktorer, som påverkade hur aktivt man gjorde motioner var bland annat riksdagsledamöternas ålder och den valregion ledamöterna var från. När man såg speciellt på motionärernas kön framkom det skillnader i kvinnors och mäns motionsbeteende. Överlag gör män mera motioner än kvinnor i den finska riksdagen. Kvinnor har än idag en större tendens att göra motioner om socialpolitik och speciellt familje- och barnpolitik än vad män har. Männen igen väljer att göra motioner, som traditionellt har setts som starkt manliga, så som trafik och allmänna utrymmen. Resultaten visade också att kvinnors intressen inte är vanligt som motivering för motioner. Man fann också att riksdagsledamöters koppling till kvinnoorganisationer hade en betydelse när det gällde sannolikheten att göra motioner som motiverades med kvinnors intressen i samhället. Uppsatsen diskuterar orsaker till resultaten och ser att det finns orsaker att fortsätta diskutera sambandet mellan deskriptiv och substantiell representation.

Representation of Thermodynamic Properties of Dilute Multi-Component Solutions--Options and Constraints

The different formalisms for the representation of thermodynamic data on dilute multicomponent solutions are critically reviewed. The thermodynamic consistency of the formalisms are examined and the interrelations between them are highlighted. The options are constraints in the use of the interaction parameter and Darken's quadratic formalisms for multicomponent solutions are discussed in the light of the available experimental data. Truncatred Maclaurin series expansion is thermodynamically inconsistent unless special relations between interaction parameters are invoked. However, the lack of strict mathematical consistency does not affect the practical use of the formalism. Expressions for excess partial properties can be integrated along defined composition paths without significant loss of accuracy. Although thermodynamically consistent, the applicability of Darken's quadratic formalism to strongly interacting systems remains to be established by experiment.

Quest for authenticity - representation of the Sami image in Christmas tourism

Tourism is one of important livelihoods in Lapland. Christmas tourism was launched in the early 1980s and it became a success story - being labelled as the most epochal tourism product in Finland. Hence, today Christmas tourists are one of the most significant foreign groups arriving to Lapland during the winter season and contributing considerably to the economics of the northeastern periphery of the EU. Christmas tourism concentrates around Father Christmas who uses reindeer for transportation. The Sämi are the only indigenous people in the EU. They are all stereotypically perceived to be reindeer herders. Somehow these three, that is, Santa Claus, reindeer and the Sämi, have been incorporated into same fairytale dominion. In practice, this has happened by using the most visible cultural but also significant identity marker of the Sämi, the Sämi costume. This, in turn, has created controversy over authenticity due to manners in which the costume is used in tourism - often in imitational, mismatched forms by non-Sämi. In this thesis, after relevant literature review I intend to establish how the Sâmi are represented in Christmas tourism through visual data consisting of ten images from three foreign sources. Then I clarify why and to whom it matters of how the Sâmi are represented in Christmas tourism with the aid of 65 questionnaires and nineteen expert interviews collected mainly in the Finnish Sâmi Home Region in October 2009. Through the multiplicity of the voices of various interest and ethnic groups and by using critical discourse analysis I attempt to give an overview of the respondents' opinions and look at some preliminary solutions to the controversy. Based on my data, the non-Sami appear to accept the Sami costume usage in Christmas tourism most readily. Consequently, respect and attitudinal changes have become the respondents' propositions in addition to common set of rules of how the Sami image could be appropriated without violating the integrity of the Sami people, or a similar system of S¿m¡ Duodji trademark guaranteeing the authenticity of the tourism products. Additionally, though half of the interviewees explicate Sami presence in Christmas tourism by adding local flavour to otherwise commercial enterprise, the other half see no rationale to connect facts with fiction, that is, the Sami with Santa Claus.

Structure and representation of correlation functions and the density matrix for a statistical wave field in optics

A systematic structure analysis of the correlation functions of statistical quantum optics is carried out. From a suitably defined auxiliary two‐point function we are able to identify the excited modes in the wave field. The relative simplicity of the higher order correlation functions emerge as a byproduct and the conditions under which these are made pure are derived. These results depend in a crucial manner on the notion of coherence indices and of unimodular coherence indices. A new class of approximate expressions for the density operator of a statistical wave field is worked out based on discrete characteristic sets. These are even more economical than the diagonal coherent state representations. An appreciation of the subtleties of quantum theory obtains. Certain implications for the physics of light beams are cited.

The Church and Its Boundaries : A Study of the Special Commission on Orthodox Participation in the WCC

The relationship between the Orthodox Churches and the World Council of Churches (WCC) became a crisis just before the 8th Assembly of the WCC in Harare, Zimbabwe in 1998. The Special Commission on Orthodox Participation in the WCC (SC), inaugurated in Harare, worked during the period 1999 2002 to solve the crisis and to secure the Orthodox participation in the WCC. The purpose of this study is: 1) to clarify the theological motives for the inauguration of the SC and the theological argumentation of the Orthodox criticism; 2) to write a reliable history and analysis of the SC; 3) to outline the theological argumentation, which structures the debate, and 4) to investigate the ecclesiological questions that arise from the SC material. The study spans the years 1998 to 2006, from the WCC Harare Assembly to the Porto Alegre Assembly. Hence, the initiation and immediate reception of the Special Commission are included in the study. The sources of this study are all the material produced by and for the SC. The method employed is systematic analysis. The focus of the study is on theological argumentation; the historical context and political motives that played a part in the Orthodox-WCC relations are not discussed in detail. The study shows how the initial, specific and individual Orthodox concerns developed into a profound ecclesiological discussion and also led to concrete changes in WCC practices, the best known of which is the change to decision-making by consensus. The Final Report of the SC contains five main themes, namely, ecclesiology, decision-making, worship/common prayer, membership and representation, and social and ethical issues. The main achievement of the SC was that it secured the Orthodox membership in the WCC. The ecclesiological conclusions made in the Final Report are twofold. On the one hand, it confirms that the very act of belonging to the WCC means the commitment to discuss the relationship between a church and churches. The SC recommended that baptism should be added as a criterion for membership in the WCC, and the member churches should continue to work towards the mutual recognition of each other s baptism. These elements strengthen the ecclesiological character of the WCC. On the other hand, when the Final Report discusses common prayer, the ecclesiological conclusions are much more cautious, and the ecclesiological neutrality of the WCC is emphasized several times. The SC repeatedly emphasized that the WCC is a fellowship of churches. The concept of koinonia, which has otherwise been important in recent ecclesiological questions, was not much applied by the SC. The comparison of the results of the SC to parallel ecclesiological documents of the WCC (Nature and Mission of the Church, Called to Be the One Church) shows that they all acknowledge the different ecclesiological starting points of the member churches, and, following that, a variety of legitimate views on the relation of the Church to the churches. Despite the change from preserving the koinonia to promises of eschatological koinonia, all the documents affirm that the goal of the ecumenical movement is still full, visible unity.

The Enlightenment Idea of History as a Legitimation Tool of Kemalism in Turkey

The study analyzes the effort to build political legitimacy in the Republic of Turkey by ex-ploring a group of influential texts produced by Kemalist writers. The study explores how the Kemalist regime reproduced certain long-lasting enlightenment meta-narrative in its effort to build political legitimacy. Central in this process was a hegemonic representation of history, namely the interpretation of the Anatolian Resistance Struggle of 1919 1922 as a Turkish Revolution executing the enlightenment in the Turkish nation-state. The method employed in the study is contextualizing narratological analysis. The Kemalist texts are analyzed with a repertoire of concepts originally developed in the theory of narra-tive. By bringing these concepts together with epistemological foundations of historical sciences, the study creates a theoretical frame inside of which it is possible to highlight how initially very controversial historical representations in the end manage to construct long-lasting, emotionally and intellectually convincing bases of national identity for the secular middle classes in Turkey. The two most important explanatory concepts in this sense are di-egesis and implied reader. The diegesis refers to the ability of narrative representation to create an inherently credible story-world that works as the basis of national community. The implied reader refers to the process where a certain hegemonic narrative creates a formula of identification and a position through which any individual real-world reader of a story can step inside the narrative story-world and identify oneself as one of us of the national narra-tive. The study demonstrates that the Kemalist enlightenment meta-narrative created a group of narrative accruals which enabled generations of secular middle classes to internalize Kemalist ideology. In this sense, the narrative in question has not only worked as a tool utilized by the so-called Kemalist state-elite to justify its leadership, but has been internalized by various groups in Turkey, working as their genuine world-view. It is shown in the study that secular-ism must be seen as the core ingredient of these groups national identity. The study proposes that the enlightenment narrative reproduced in the Kemalist ideology had its origin in a simi-lar totalizing cultural narrative created in and for Europe. Currently this enlightenment project is challenged in Turkey by those who are in an attempt to give religion a greater role in Turkish society. The study argues that the enduring practice of legitimizing political power through the enlightenment meta-narrative has not only become a major factor contributing to social polarization in Turkey, but has also, in contradiction to the very real potentials for crit-ical approaches inherent in the Enlightenment tradition, crucially restricted the development of critical and rational modes of thinking in the Republic of Turkey.