9 resultados para Political Representation

em CaltechTHESIS


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Neurons in the songbird forebrain nucleus HVc are highly sensitive to auditory temporal context and have some of the most complex auditory tuning properties yet discovered. HVc is crucial for learning, perceiving, and producing song, thus it is important to understand the neural circuitry and mechanisms that give rise to these remarkable auditory response properties. This thesis investigates these issues experimentally and computationally.

Extracellular studies reported here compare the auditory context sensitivity of neurons in HV c with neurons in the afferent areas of field L. These demonstrate that there is a substantial increase in the auditory temporal context sensitivity from the areas of field L to HVc. Whole-cell recordings of HVc neurons from acute brain slices are described which show that excitatory synaptic transmission between HVc neurons involve the release of glutamate and the activation of both AMPA/kainate and NMDA-type glutamate receptors. Additionally, widespread inhibitory interactions exist between HVc neurons that are mediated by postsynaptic GABA_A receptors. Intracellular recordings of HVc auditory neurons in vivo provides evidence that HV c neurons encode information about temporal structure using a variety of cellular and synaptic mechanisms including syllable-specific inhibition, excitatory post-synaptic potentials with a range of different time courses, and burst-firing, and song-specific hyperpolarization.

The final part of this thesis presents two computational approaches for representing and learning temporal structure. The first method utilizes comput ational elements that are analogous to temporal combination sensitive neurons in HVc. A network of these elements can learn using local information and lateral inhibition. The second method presents a more general framework which allows a network to discover mixtures of temporal features in a continuous stream of input.

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Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

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This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

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For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

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There is a growing interest in taking advantage of possible patterns and structures in data so as to extract the desired information and overcome the curse of dimensionality. In a wide range of applications, including computer vision, machine learning, medical imaging, and social networks, the signal that gives rise to the observations can be modeled to be approximately sparse and exploiting this fact can be very beneficial. This has led to an immense interest in the problem of efficiently reconstructing a sparse signal from limited linear observations. More recently, low-rank approximation techniques have become prominent tools to approach problems arising in machine learning, system identification and quantum tomography.

In sparse and low-rank estimation problems, the challenge is the inherent intractability of the objective function, and one needs efficient methods to capture the low-dimensionality of these models. Convex optimization is often a promising tool to attack such problems. An intractable problem with a combinatorial objective can often be "relaxed" to obtain a tractable but almost as powerful convex optimization problem. This dissertation studies convex optimization techniques that can take advantage of low-dimensional representations of the underlying high-dimensional data. We provide provable guarantees that ensure that the proposed algorithms will succeed under reasonable conditions, and answer questions of the following flavor:

  • For a given number of measurements, can we reliably estimate the true signal?
  • If so, how good is the reconstruction as a function of the model parameters?

More specifically, i) Focusing on linear inverse problems, we generalize the classical error bounds known for the least-squares technique to the lasso formulation, which incorporates the signal model. ii) We show that intuitive convex approaches do not perform as well as expected when it comes to signals that have multiple low-dimensional structures simultaneously. iii) Finally, we propose convex relaxations for the graph clustering problem and give sharp performance guarantees for a family of graphs arising from the so-called stochastic block model. We pay particular attention to the following aspects. For i) and ii), we aim to provide a general geometric framework, in which the results on sparse and low-rank estimation can be obtained as special cases. For i) and iii), we investigate the precise performance characterization, which yields the right constants in our bounds and the true dependence between the problem parameters.

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This thesis consists of three papers studying the relationship between democratic reform, expenditure on sanitation public goods and mortality in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period decisions over spending on critical public goods such as water supply and sewer systems were made by locally elected town councils, leading to extensive variation in the level of spending across the country. This dissertation uses new historical data to examine the political factors determining that variation, and the consequences for mortality rates.

The first substantive chapter describes the spread of government sanitation expenditure, and analyzes the factors that determined towns' willingness to invest. The results show the importance of towns' financial constraints, both in terms of the available tax base and access to borrowing, in limiting the level of expenditure. This suggests that greater involvement by Westminster could have been very effective in expediting sanitary investment. There is little evidence, however, that democratic reform was an important driver of greater expenditure.

Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of extending voting rights to the poor on government public goods spending. A simple model predicts that the rich and the poor will desire lower levels of public goods expenditure than the middle class, and so extensions of the right to vote to the poor will be associated with lower spending. This prediction is tested using plausibly exogenous variation in the extent of the franchise. The results strongly support the theoretical prediction: expenditure increased following relatively small extensions of the franchise, but fell once more than approximately 50% of the adult male population held the right to vote.

Chapter 4 tests whether the sanitary expenditure was effective in combating the high mortality rates following the Industrial Revolution. The results show that increases in urban expenditure on sanitation-water supply, sewer systems and streets-was extremely effective in reducing mortality from cholera and diarrhea.

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The electron diffraction investigation of the following compounds has been carried out: sulfur, sulfur nitride, realgar, arsenic trisulfide, spiropentane, dimethyltrisulfide, cis and trans lewisite, methylal, and ethylene glycol.

The crystal structures of the following salts have been determined by x-ray diffraction: silver molybdateand hydrazinium dichloride.

Suggested revisions of the covalent radii for B, Si, P, Ge, As, Sn, Sb, and Pb have been made, and values for the covalent radii of Al, Ga, In, Ti, and Bi have been proposed.

The Schomaker-Stevenson revision of the additivity rule for single covalent bond distances has been used in conjunction with the revised radii. Agreement with experiment is in general better with the revised radii than with the former radii and additivity.

The principle of ionic bond character in addition to that present in a normal covalent bond has been applied to the observed structures of numerous molecules. It leads to a method of interpretation which is at least as consistent as the theory of multiple bond formation.

The revision of the additivity rule has been extended to double bonds. An encouraging beginning along these lines has been made, but additional experimental data are needed for clarification.

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The problem of the representation of signal envelope is treated, motivated by the classical Hilbert representation in which the envelope is represented in terms of the received signal and its Hilbert transform. It is shown that the Hilbert representation is the proper one if the received signal is strictly bandlimited but that some other filter is more appropriate in the bandunlimited case. A specific alternative filter, the conjugate filter, is proposed and the overall envelope estimation error is evaluated to show that for a specific received signal power spectral density the proposed filter yields a lower envelope error than the Hilbert filter.

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Let F(θ) be a separable extension of degree n of a field F. Let Δ and D be integral domains with quotient fields F(θ) and F respectively. Assume that Δ D. A mapping φ of Δ into the n x n D matrices is called a Δ/D rep if (i) it is a ring isomorphism and (ii) it maps d onto dIn whenever d ϵ D. If the matrices are also symmetric, φ is a Δ/D symrep.

Every Δ/D rep can be extended uniquely to an F(θ)/F rep. This extension is completely determined by the image of θ. Two Δ/D reps are called equivalent if the images of θ differ by a D unimodular similarity. There is a one-to-one correspondence between classes of Δ/D reps and classes of Δ ideals having an n element basis over D.

The condition that a given Δ/D rep class contain a Δ/D symrep can be phrased in various ways. Using these formulations it is possible to (i) bound the number of symreps in a given class, (ii) count the number of symreps if F is finite, (iii) establish the existence of an F(θ)/F symrep when n is odd, F is an algebraic number field, and F(θ) is totally real if F is formally real (for n = 3 see Sapiro, “Characteristic polynomials of symmetric matrices” Sibirsk. Mat. Ž. 3 (1962) pp. 280-291), and (iv) study the case D = Z, the integers (see Taussky, “On matrix classes corresponding to an ideal and its inverse” Illinois J. Math. 1 (1957) pp. 108-113 and Faddeev, “On the characteristic equations of rational symmetric matrices” Dokl. Akad. Nauk SSSR 58 (1947) pp. 753-754).

The case D = Z and n = 2 is studied in detail. Let Δ’ be an integral domain also having quotient field F(θ) and such that Δ’ Δ. Let φ be a Δ/Z symrep. A method is given for finding a Δ’/Z symrep ʘ such that the Δ’ ideal class corresponding to the class of ʘ is an extension to Δ’ of the Δ ideal class corresponding to the class of φ. The problem of finding all Δ/Z symreps equivalent to a given one is studied.