"Mikä on meidän taistelurintamamme?" : Yhdysvaltojen mustien kansalaisoikeusliike Suomen kirkollisessa lehdistössä vuosina 1963–1968

Tutkin pro gradu -työssäni Yhdysvaltojen mustien kansalaisoikeusliikkeen käsittelyä Suomen kirkollisessa lehdistössä liikkeen keskeisimpinä toiminnan vuosina 1963–1968. Selvitän, miten kirkollinen lehdistö reagoi kansalaisoikeusliikkeeseen, ja mitkä olivat niitä asioita ja tapahtumia, joita lehdet toivat liikkeestä esille. Keskeistä työssäni on myös kansalaisoikeusliikkeen näkyvimmän johtajan Martin Luther King Juniorin lehdistössä saaman huomion analysointi. Olennaista tutkimuksen kannalta on selvittää, käsittelivätkö tutkimani lehdet kansalaisoikeusliikkeen toimintaa hengellisestä näkökulmasta vai pelkästään uutisina Yhdysvaltojen poliittisista tapahtumista. Käytännössä tähän liittyy myös kysymys siitä, koskettiko Yhdysvaltojen mustien ahdinko kirjoitusten mukaan suomalaista kristittyä. Tutkimukseni taustan kannalta tärkeää on selvittää mustien rotusorron historiaa Yhdysvalloissa sekä Kingin liikkeeseen tuomaa ajattelupohjaa. Tutkimukseni lähteinä käytän Kotimaan, Församlingsbladetin, Herättäjän, Sanan ja Etsijän numeroita vuosilta 1963–1968. Vuodelta 1967 lähdemateriaalia ei ole kuitenkaan löytynyt. Ajallisesti tutkimus sijoittuu kansalaisoikeusliikkeen organisoiman Birminghamin kampanjan alusta aina Kingin murhan aiheuttamaan kuohuntaan asti. Tutkimukseni on vahvasti sidottu kansalaisoikeusliikkeen keskeisiin tapahtumiin, joiden kautta esittelen liikkeen saamaa huomiota. Tämän takia en käykään, Etsijää lukuun ottamatta, järjestelmällisesti läpi kaikkia tutkimieni vuosien numeroita, vaan tutkittavat numerot ovat ilmestyneet aikoina, jolloin kansalaisoikeusliike toimi aktiivisesti ja näkyvästi. Tutkimukseni on kirkollisen lehdistön ja kansalaisoikeusliikkeen tutkimuksessa ainutlaatuinen. Liikkeen lehdistössä saamaa vastaanottoa ei ole Suomessa aiemmin tutkittu. Kansalaisoikeusliikettä koskeva tutkimus on keskittynyt lähinnä Kingin ajattelun kuvailuun. Merkityksellisen tutkimusaiheesta tekee myös se, että syvemmällä tasolla tutkimus kuvailee sitä, millaisena kirkon epäviralliset äänenkannattajat näkivät ajan, jolloin yhteiskunnan sosiaalisiin ongelmiin puuttuminen alettiin nähdä kristityn tehtävänä. Lehtien kansalaisoikeusliikkettä koskeva keskustelu onkin nähtävä osana muuta ajan kehitystä ja sen henkeä. Vuosikymmenen ajan henki ja aikakauden suuret muutokset näkyvät selkeästi tutkimukseni tuloksissa. Kaukaisesta tapahtumapaikastaan huolimatta Yhdysvaltojen mustien kansalaisoikeusliike sai varsin paljon huomiota tutkimissani lehdissä niin pakinoissa, uutisissa kuin raporteissa tapahtumapaikoiltakin. Liikkeen toimintaa ja erityisesti Kingiä liikkeen johtajana ihailtiin ja liikettä hyödynnettiin esimerkkinä siitä, miten suomalaisten kristittyjenkin tulisi suhtautua maailmaan. Useissa lehdissä koettiinkin tarpeelliseksi nostaa esille Suomen omia ”rotukysymyksiä”, joista keskeisimpänä nähtiin romanien asema. Ajan kehitykseen varauksellisesti suhtautuvaa Herättäjää lukuun ottamatta lehdet suhtautuivat hyvin suopeasti mustien kansalaisoikeusliikkeen tarjoamaan sosiaalisen herätykseen. Erityisesti Kotimaan päätoimittaja Simo Talvitie paneutui mustien rotusortoon ja sen tarjoamiin opetuksiin myös Suomen tasolla. Selityksenä lehtien mustien kansalaisoikeusliikkeen runsaalle käsittelylle ja niiden tavalle käsitellä liikettä nousee keskeisenä aikaa leimaava kansainvälistyminen. Median kehittyminen erityisesti television myötä ja matkustamisen helpottuminen mahdollistivat entistä enemmän muiden maiden tapahtumien seuraamisen ja niihin kantaa ottamisen. Aikaansa seuraavien kristittyjen tehtäväksi nähtiinkin maailman tapahtumista perillä oleminen ja myös oman yhteiskunnan epäkohtien esille tuominen. Nämä eivät tutkimukseni mukaan olleet vain radikaalin ylioppilasnuorison kiinnostuksen kohteita vaan vähitellen myös monen suomalaisen kristityn.

Asunnoton yhteiskunnan jäsenenä : Sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneen osallistumismahdollisuudet ja deliberatiivinen demokratia

Tutkielmassani selvitän, millä tavalla sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneen, kuten asunnottoman, on mahdollista osallistua yhteiskunnan toimintaan ja itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon. Tutkimuskysymykseni ovat: Toteutuvatko perustuslain 14 § ja 19 §:ssä säädetyt oikeudet, ja ovatko viranomaisten toimet riittäviä edistämään syrjäytyneiden asunnottomien itsenäistä asumista sekä lisäämään vaikutusmahdollisuuksia itseään koskevassa päätöksenteossa. Voisiko deliberatiivisen demokratiamallin avulla vahvistaa syrjäytyneiden yhteiskunnallista osallistumista, ja siten helpottaa asunnottomuusongelmaa. Asunnottomia oli vuonna 2006 noin 7 400 henkilöä. Syitä joutua asunnottomaksi on useita. Valtaosalla ongelmat ovat kasautuneet, minkä jälkeen itsenäinen selviäminen on hankaloitunut. Asunnottomilla on usein monia eri ongelmia kuten pitkäaikaissairauksia, työttömyyttä ja päihteiden väärinkäyttöä. Avioero on yksi keskeisistä yksittäisistä syistä etenkin miehille päätyä asunnottomaksi. Maahanmuuttajien asunnottomuus voi olla seurausta pyrkimyksestä integroitua yhteiskuntaan: Muuttaessa sijoituspaikkakunnalta esimerkiksi ystävien, työn tai opiskelun vuoksi kasvukeskukseen, maahanmuuttajan voi olla vaikeaa saada asuntoa. Näin työn tai koulutuspaikan vastaanottaminen voi pakottaa maahanmuuttajan ottamaan riskin menettää asunto. Sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneeksi voidaan määritellä ihminen, joka ei kykene tai halua sopeutua normaalina pidettyyn elämään yhteiskunnassa. Tämä tutkimuksissa käytetty normaalin elämän määritelmä muotoutuu yhteiskunnan arvojen ja käytäntöjen pohjalta. Syrjäytyminen voi tarkoittaa myös sitä, että ihminen kokee itsensä ulkopuoliseksi yhteiskunnasta. Syrjäytymistä aiheuttavatkin siten toistuvat syrjinnän ja voimattomuuden kokemukset sekä hankaluus vaikuttaa itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon. Asunnottomien yö –tapahtumassa syksyllä 2007 vapaaehtoiset haastattelivat asunnottomuutta kokeneita. Haastattelut on julkaistu internetissä ja ne ovat vapaasti tutkijoiden, toimittajien ja poliitikkojen käytettävissä. Useissa haastatteluissa asunnottomat kertovat, että he eivät koe olevansa täysivaltaisia yhteiskunnan jäseniä. Haastatteluissa kritisoidaan sitä, että poliitikot ja sosiaalityöntekijät päättävät asunnottomuuden hoidosta sekä asunnottomia koskevista asioista ilman, että asunnottomilla on mahdollisuutta vaikuttaa päätöksentekoon. Turhautumisen tunne paistoi läpi useissa haastatteluissa. Useissa vastauksissa asunnottomat vaativat poliitikkoja ja sosiaalityöntekijöitä perehtymään asunnottomien arjen elämään. Deliberatiivisessa demokratiassa yksi keskeisistä ajatuksista on, että vain sellaiset päätökset, jotka on tehty kaikille avoimen keskustelun ja vapaan tahdonmuodostuksen pohjalta voivat saada hyväksynnän ja luottamuksen kansalta sekä muodostua sitoviksi. Deliberatiivisessa demokratiakäsityksessä on kyse siitä, että asioista päätetään yhdessä, julkisen ja tasa-arvoisen keskustelun sekä harkinnan pohjalta. Keskeistä on myös, että kaikkien, joita päätökset koskettavat, täytyy voida osallistua päätöksiä edeltävään keskusteluun. Erityisesti Young ja Bohman korostavat, että myös sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneellä tulee olla mahdollisuus osallistua poliittiseen keskusteluun ja itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon. Muun muassa koulutuksen kautta opitaan rauhallinen, asiallinen ja kielellisesti oikea argumentaatiotapa. Ihmisten erilaisuus ja kouluttamattomuus eivät Youngin mukaan saa estää mahdollisuutta osallistua yhteiskunnassa käytävään poliittiseen keskusteluun. Tutkimuskysymykseeni, lisäävätkö viranomaiset toiminnallaan yksilön mahdollisuutta vaikuttaa itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon ja edistävätkö he yksilön mahdollisuuksia osallistua yhteiskunnalliseen toimintaan, vastaan eivät. Kuitenkin viranomaisten mahdollisuudet edistää perustuslaissa säädettyjä velvollisuuksia ovat poliittisten päättäjien budjetoinnin vuoksi rajoitettuja. Helsingin sosiaaliasiamiehet pitivät huolestuttavana sitä, että sosiaalityöntekijät pakotetaan toimimaan sekä lainsäädännön että ammattietiikkansa vastaisesti. Sosiaaliasiamiesten raportin perusteella voisi päätellä, että ainakin Helsingissä viranomaisilla olisi tahtoa toimia lain velvoittamalla tavalla. Asunnottomista suurin osa asuu Helsingissä ja Pääkaupunkiseudulla, joten tämän perusteella tutkimuskysymykseeni voi vastata yleistäen Helsingin esimerkin pohjalta. Syrjäytymistutkijoiden tulkinnan mukaan syrjäytyminen ja siitä pahimmillaan seuraava asunnottomuus johtuvat osittain ihmisten kokemien vaikutusmahdollisuuksien puutteesta. Deliberatiivisen demokratian tavoitteena on luoda sellainen demokraattinen malli, jossa poliittinen keskustelu ja vaikutusmahdollisuudet olisivat kaikkien yhteiskunnan jäsenten saavutettavissa. Syrjäytymistutkimuksen valossa deliberatiivinen demokratia voisi olla malli, jonka avulla vahvistettaisiin sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneiden kuten asunnottomien vaikutusmahdollisuuksia. Myös asunnottomien haastatteluissa nousi esille toive tulla kuulluksi. Moni kommentoi, että asunnottomuuden hoidosta ja heidän asioistaan päättävät sellaiset ihmiset, joilla ei ole todellista tietoa asunnottomien arjesta ja toiveista. Deliberatiivisen demokratian malli voisi näiden tutkimusten valossa olla keino lisätä osallistumismahdollisuuksia ja vähentää sitä kautta myös syrjäytymistä ja asunnottomuutta.

Venäjän politiikka ja perustuslaki : Tutkimus Venäjän perustuslakikäsitteistön kehityksestä 1900-luvulla

Constitutional politics in Russia, a conceptual history study of the constitutional rhetoric in the 20th century In April 2006 the Russian Constitution had its 100th anniversary. Following its late start, five constitutions have been adopted. The great number of constitutions is partly explained in my work by the fact that Russia s political system has changed many times, from one state system to another. From a monarchical state power, it changed first, with the October revolution, into the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, and after that, in 1924, into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In 1991, the Russian Federation was established. The great number of constitutions can also be explained by the fact that in a one-party system, constitutional concepts became one of the most important instruments for introducing political programmes. When the political unity of the state was not only restricted by the Constitution, but also by the party ideology, the political debates concerning constitutional concepts were the key discussions for all the reformative pursuits of Soviet politics. It can be said that, in the Soviet Union, almost all political discourses dealt with constitutional concepts. In the context of restricted unity, the constitutional concepts were the most important tools to argue and create a basis for a new presentation and new political programmes. Thus, the basic feature of the Soviet political discourses has been a continuous competition regarding the constitutional concepts. By defining the constitutional concepts, a new, the political elites wanted especially to redefine, their own way, the traditional meanings of the October 1917 Revolution, and to differentiate them from those of the preceding period of power. From a methodological point of view, I argue that the Russian constitutional concepts make a conceptual historical approach very suitable, and change the focus on history. This approach studies history in contemporary contexts which follow after each other, and whose texts are the main research target. The picture of history is created through the interpretation of the original sources of contemporary contexts. Focusing on the dynamic and traditional characteristic of Russian constitutional concepts, I refer to a certain kind of value and the task of these concepts to justify and define the political and societal unity in every situation. This is done by combining the pursued future orientation of constitutional unity with the new acts of preservation of the traditional principles of the revolution. The different time layers of the constitutional concepts, the past, the present and the future, are the key aspects of storytelling in justifying the continuity and redefining the constitutional unity for the sake of reform. These aspects of constitutional concepts, in addition to all the other functions, have been the main elements of the argumentative structure of acting against opponents.

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights : A comparative analysis of the conceptual relationship between democracy and rights in contemporary political theories

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

Tasa-arvo ja muutoksen rajat : Sukupuolten tasa-arvo poliittisena ongelmana Ranskan parité- ja Suomen kiintiökeskusteluissa

The study looks at the debates on gender equality in political decision-making in Finland and France in the 1990s and 2000s by analysing the argumentation for parité and quotas and the ways in which gender equality was constructed as a political problem. The focus of the study is on the parliamentary debates on the amendment of the electoral law in France in 2000 and the introduction of quota regulations into the Act on Equality in Finland in 1994 - 1995. The debates ended in the adoption of quota regulations in the electoral lists (France) and in the executive and preparatory bodies at the national and the local level (Finland). Apart from the analysis of the parliamentary debates, the study explores the political processes preceding the adoption of legislation as well as the debates on quotas and parity in Finnish and French societies in the 1980s and 1990s. The debates on gender equality are analysed as the sites of struggle and change with regard to the normative boundaries of gender equality, as well as of politics and citizenship. The cross-cultural perspective gives room to explore the ways in which gender equality and change can be imagined in different national contexts, and which kinds of discursive resources are available for the politicization of gender equality. Specific attention is paid to the discursive frames and agenda settings in the debates and how these set the limits of the imaginable and the possible in the promotion of gender equality. In both Finland and France, the promotion of equality was constructed as a national project, in which the main beneficiary was the society or the nation as a whole. In France, gender equality was an inherent part of the promotion of French democracy; in Finland, gender equality was regarded as a means to bring the expertise of both women and men to the benefit of the whole society. Furthermore, in both countries the promotion of gender equality was based on the harmonious cooperation of women and men and the temporal dimension of "nearly achieved" gender equality. In this kind of a context, gender equality served as a means towards the wider national ends, and there was little room to discuss the aspects of power and agency with regard to gender equality. However, the internationalisation of equality politics, as well as the conflicting interpretations of gender equality in the national political arenas, calls into question the existence of clearly defined and immutable boundaries of "Finnish" and "French" gender equality. At the same time, the rules of the game in politics, including the meaning of French republicanism and Finnish "expert oriented" politics were contested. In this way, the new equality legislation and the preceding political processes played a part in the transformation of the limits of gender equality, politics and citizenship.

Quorum sensing in the plant pathogen Erwinia carotovora subsp. carotovora

Erwinia carotovora subsp. carotovora (Ecc) is a Gram-negative enterobacterium that causes soft-rot in potato and other crops. The main virulence determinants, the extracellular plant cell wall -degrading enzymes (PCWDEs), lead to plant tissue maceration. In order to establish a successful infection the production of PCWDEs are controlled by a complex regulatory network, including both specific and global activators and repressors. One of the most important virulence regulation systems in Ecc is mediated by quorum sensing (QS), which is a population density -dependent cell-to-cell communication mechanism used by many Gram-negative bacteria. In these bacteria N-acylhomoserine lactones (AHSL), act as diffusible signaling molecules enabling communication between bacterial cells. The AHSLs are structurally diverse and differ in their acyl chain length. This gives the bacteria signaling specificity and enables the recognition and communication within its own species. In order to detect and respond to the AHSLs the bacteria use QS regulators, LuxR-type proteins. The aim of this study was to get a deeper understanding of the Ecc QS system. In the first part of the study we showed that even different strains of Ecc use different dialects and of physiological concentrations, only the cognate AHSL with the correct acyl chain is recognized as a signal that can switch on virulence genes. The molecular basis of the substrate specificity of the AHSL synthase ExpI was investigated in order to recognize the acyl chain length specificity determinants of distinct AHSL synthases. Several critical residues that define the size of the substrate-binding pocket were identified. We demonstrated that in the ExpISCC1 mutations M127T and F69L are sufficient to change the N-3-oxohexanoyl-L-homoserine lactone producing ExpISCC1 to an N-3-oxooctanoyl-L-homoserine lactone (3-oxo-C8-HSL) producing enzyme. In the second study the means of sensing specificity and response to the AHSL signaling molecule were investigated. We demonstrated that the AHSL receptor ExpR1 of Ecc strain SCC3193 has strict specificity for the cognate AHSL 3-oxo-C8-HSL. In addition we identified a second AHSL receptor ExpR2 with a novel property to sense AHSLs with different acyl chain lengths. In the absence of AHSLs ExpR1 and ExpR2 were found to act synergistically to repress the virulence gene expression. This repression was shown to be released by addition of AHSLs and appears to be largely mediated by the global negative regulator RsmA. In the third study random transposon mutagenesis was used to widen the knowledge of the Ecc QS regulon. Two new QS-controlled target genes, encoding a DNA-binding regulator Hor and a plant ferredoxin-like protein FerE, were identified. The QS control of the identified genes was executed by the QS regulators ExpR1 and ExpR2 and as expression of PCWDE genes mediated by the RsmA repressor. Hor was shown to contribute to bacterial virulence at least partly through its control of PCWDE production, while FerE was shown to contribute to oxidative stress tolerance and in planta fitness of the bacteria. In addition our results suggest that QS is central to the control of oxidative stress tolerance in Ecc. In conclusion, these results indicate that Ecc strain SCC3193 is able to react and respond both to the cognate AHSL signal and the signals produced by other bacterial species, in order to control a wide variety of functions in the plant pathogen Ecc.

Innate immune system and adiponectin in diabetic nephropathy in type 1 diabetes

Introduction: The pathogenesis of diabetic nephropathy remains a matter of debate, although strong evidence suggests that it results from the interaction between susceptibility genes and the diabetic milieu. The true pathogenetic mechanism remains unknown, but a common denominator of micro- and macrovascular complications may exist. Some have suggested that low-grade inflammation and activation of the innate immune system might play a synergistic role in the pathogenesis of diabetic nephropathy. Aims of the study: The present studies were undertaken to investigate whether low-grade inflammation, mannan-binding lectin (MBL) and α-defensin play a role, together with adiponectin, in patients with type 1 diabetes and diabetic nephropathy. Subjects and methods: This study is part of the ongoing Finnish Diabetic Nephropathy Study (FinnDiane). The first four cross-sectional substudies of this thesis comprised 194 patients with type 1 diabetes divided into three groups (normo-, micro-, and macroalbuminuria) according to their albumin excretion rate (AER). The fifth substudy aimed to determine whether baseline serum adiponectin plays a role in the development and progression of diabetic nephropathy. This follow-up study included 1330 patients with type 1 diabetes and a mean follow-up period of five years. The patients were divided into three groups depending on their AER at baseline. As a measure of low-grade inflammation, highly sensitive CRP (hsCRP) and α-defensin were measured with radio-immunoassay, and interleukin-6 (IL-6) with high- sensitivity enzyme immuno-assay. Mannan-binding lectin and adiponectin were determined with time-resolved immunofluorometric assays. The progression of albuminuria from one stage to the other served as a measure of the progression of diabetic nephropathy. Results: Low-grade inflammatory markers, MBL, adiponectin, and α-defensin were all associated with diabetic nephropathy, whereas MBL, adiponectin, and α-defensin per se were unassociated with low-grade inflammatory markers. AER was the only clinical variable independently associated with hsCRP. AER, HDL-cholesterol and the duration of diabetes were independently associated with IL-6. HbA1c was the only variable independently associated with MBL. The estimated glomerular filtration rate (eGFR), AER, and waist-to-hip ratio were independently associated with adiponectin. Systolic blood pressure, HDL-cholesterol, total cholesterol, age, and eGFR were all independently associated with α-defensin. In patients with macroalbuminuria, progression to end-stage renal disease (ESRD) was associated with higher baseline adiponectin concentrations. Discussion and conclusions: Low-grade inflammation, MBL, adiponectin, and defensin were all associated with diabetic nephropathy in these cross-sectional studies. In contrast however, MBL, adiponectin, and defensin were not associated with low-grade inflammatory markers per se. Nor was defensin associated with MBL, which may suggest that these different players function in a coordinated fashion during the deleterious process of diabetic nephropathy. The question of what causes low-grade inflammation in patients with type 1 diabetes and diabetic nephropathy, however, remains unanswered. We could observe in our study that glycemic control, an atherosclerotic lipid profile, and waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) were associated with low-grade inflammation in the univariate analysis, although in the multivariate analysis, only AER, HDL-cholesterol, and the duration of diabetes, as a measure of glycemic load, proved to be independently associated with inflammation. Notably, all these factors are modifiable with changes in lifestyle and/or with a targeted medication. In the follow-up study, elevated serum adiponectin levels at baseline predicted the progression from macroalbuminuria to ESRD independently of renal function at baseline. This observation does not preclude adiponectin as a favorable factor during the process of diabetic nephropathy, since the rise in serum adiponectin concentrations may remain a mechanism by which the body compensates for the demands created by the diabetic milieu.

The Media and the Academic Globalization Debate : Theoretical Analysis and Critique

This study offers a reconstruction and critical evaluation of globalization theory, a perspective that has been central for sociology and cultural studies in recent decades, from the viewpoint of media and communications. As the study shows, sociological and cultural globalization theorists rely heavily on arguments concerning media and communications, especially the so-called new information and communication technologies, in the construction of their frameworks. Together with deepening the understanding of globalization theory, the study gives new critical knowledge of the problematic consequences that follow from such strong investment in media and communications in contemporary theory. The book is divided into four parts. The first part presents the research problem, the approach and the theoretical contexts of the study. Followed by the introduction in Chapter 1, I identify the core elements of globalization theory in Chapter 2. At the heart of globalization theory is the claim that recent decades have witnessed massive changes in the spatio-temporal constitution of society, caused by new media and communications in particular, and that these changes necessitate the rethinking of the foundations of social theory as a whole. Chapter 3 introduces three paradigms of media research the political economy of media, cultural studies and medium theory the discussion of which will make it easier to understand the key issues and controversies that emerge in academic globalization theorists treatment of media and communications. The next two parts offer a close reading of four theorists whose works I use as entry points into academic debates on globalization. I argue that we can make sense of mainstream positions on globalization by dividing them into two paradigms: on the one hand, media-technological explanations of globalization and, on the other, cultural globalization theory. As examples of the former, I discuss the works of Manuel Castells (Chapter 4) and Scott Lash (Chapter 5). I maintain that their analyses of globalization processes are overtly media-centric and result in an unhistorical and uncritical understanding of social power in an era of capitalist globalization. A related evaluation of the second paradigm (cultural globalization theory), as exemplified by Arjun Appadurai and John Tomlinson, is presented in Chapter 6. I argue that due to their rejection of the importance of nation states and the notion of cultural imperialism for cultural analysis, and their replacement with a framework of media-generated deterritorializations and flows, these theorists underplay the importance of the neoliberalization of cultures throughout the world. The fourth part (Chapter 7) presents a central research finding of this study, namely that the media-centrism of globalization theory can be understood in the context of the emergence of neoliberalism. I find it problematic that at the same time when capitalist dynamics have been strengthened in social and cultural life, advocates of globalization theory have directed attention to media-technological changes and their sweeping socio-cultural consequences, instead of analyzing the powerful material forces that shape the society and the culture. I further argue that this shift serves not only analytical but also utopian functions, that is, the longing for a better world in times when such longing is otherwise considered impracticable.

Balancing Social Citizenship and New Paternalism : Finnish activation policy and street-level practice in a comparative perspective

The study examines the origin and development of the Finnish activation policy since the mid-1990s by using the 2001 activation reform as a benchmark. The notion behind activation is to link work obligations to welfare benefits for the unemployed. The focus of the thesis is policy learning and the impact of ideas on the reform of the welfare state. The broader research interests of the thesis are summarized by two groups of questions. First, how was the Finnish activation policy developed and what specific form did it receive in the 2001 activation reform? Second, how does the Finnish activation policy compare to the welfare reforms in the EU and in the US? What kinds of ideas and instruments informed the Finnish policy? To what extent can we talk about a restructuring or transformation of the Nordic welfare policy? Theoretically, the thesis is embedded in the comparative welfare state research and the concepts used in the contemporary welfare state discourse. Activation policy is analysed against the backdrop of the theories about the welfare state, welfare state governance and citizenship. Activation policies are also analysed in the context of the overall modernization and individualization of lifestyles and its implications for the individual citizen. Further, the different perspectives of the policy analysis are applied to determine the role of implementation and street-level practice within the whole. Empirically, the policy design, its implementation and the experiences of the welfare staff and recipients in Finland are examined. The policy development, goals and instruments of the activation policies have followed astonishingly similar paths in the different welfare states and regimes over the last two decades. In Finland, the policy change has been manifested through several successive reforms that have been introduced since the mid-1990s. The 2001 activation reform the Act on Rehabilitative Work Experience illustrates the broader trend towards stricter work requirements and draws its inspiration from the ideas of new paternalism. The ideas, goals and instruments of the international activation trend are clearly visible in the reform. Similarly, the reform has implications for the traditional Nordic social policies, which incorporate institutionalised social rights and the provision of services.

Eläytymisestä omiin tarinoihin : Televisiosarja katsojien keskustelussa

From sympathetic understanding to own stories. TV-series in the conversation of its viewers. The purpose of this study is to analyze viewers' conversations about TV-series as a practice in which viewers construct meaning to TV-series. In the tradition of British Cultural Studies this study understands that viewer has an active role in interpreting and constructing meaning to TV-series. In the tradition of feminist studies this study understands that gender is being constructed in social and cultural practices. In reception studies, the viewing of TV-series has usually been analyzed as a practice which is embedded at home and in a family. The studies are often based on interviews of viewers, and the analysis of the construction of meaning is based on interview material where the viewers most often talk about their viewing habits and the likes and dislikes of TV-shows and -characters. This study extends the reception and interpretation of TV-series from home to the moments of interaction between viewers. It is quite common to hear how people talk also outside of home about television and the programmes they have watched. In this study the construction of meaning is being studied in viewers' conversations. The method of analysis is conversation analysis which studies the ordered properties of everyday forms of social interaction. The data has been collected in a workplace where four women watched together (and without the presence of a researcher) two TV-series, American sitcom Golden Girls and Finnish family drama Ruusun aika (Time of a Rose), and afterwards had time and chance for discussion. There was neither a questionnaire nor an agenda for the women to discuss. The analysis of the conversation brings up three themes. In the orientation discussions the viewers aim to construct frames in which it makes sense to talk about the TV-series. The frames have mostly to do with the genre of the TV-series. The second theme is concerned with the viewers' aim to achieve sympathetic understanding of the characters in the TV-series. The third theme extends and transfers the conversation about TV-series to real or imaginary stories of own life. In the conversation the reception of a TV-series appears as being in motion: in the orientation discussions the viewers move towards the series, in the character-discussions the viewers move within the world of the series, and when telling their own stories the viewers move away from the TV-series towards their own lives. In the conversations there appears also a distinction in gender-constructions. When the viewers talk about motherhood, they adopt a serious and moralistic tone. When they talk about female sexuality and relationships between women and men they adopt carnevalistic and humorous tone. There are examples of these kinds of gender-constructions also in other studies of Finnish gender culture. Motherhood means the responsibility to good upbringing; relationships with men include something unpredictable and problematic which one handles at best in a humorous way.

Politiikan paluu : Globalisaatioliike ja julkisuus

The struggle over globalization has arguably been the most important debate in world politics of the 2000 s. This study maps the origins of this debate, its most important actors and its results so far. The focus is on the Global Justice Movement which launched the globalization debate to the mass media spotlight. Particular attention is given to the World Social Forum, the movement s global gathering, analyzed as a new form of global publics. The mediation of the debates initiated by these publics to the Finnish national context is analyzed at two levels: First, through forums for policy debate such as the Helsinki Process on Globalization and Democracy and second, through the public debate in the Finnish mass media. The study proves many common assumptions about the Global Justice Movement wrong. Rather than being a marginal actor, the movement is the initiator of the whole debate. Combining expert knowledge to carnevalistic demonstrations rarely seen in Finland, the movement gains more public attention and more members in Finland than in many other European countries. The political and economic elites are not just adversaries of the movement. Rather, the Finnish elite is divided in two. Some top politicians starting from the president and the minister for foreign affairs adopt many of the movement s claims. Later, the business elite, with support from the nation s largest newspaper, begins a counterattack to challenge the movement and its allies. The return of politics staged by the movement is, first and foremost, a phenomenon in the public sphere. Two downward trends, the decline of party politics and the traditionally strong Finnish field of politically oriented civic associations remain unchanged. This allows for the conclusion that we are witnessing a move from organizational politics towards politics in the public sphere. The study develops a theoretical perspective on social movements as actors in the public sphere. It argues that movements have, in fact, played an important role in the very development of the democratic public sphere as we know it. In the light of this observation, the study assesses the potentials and the pitfalls of social movements and their related publics to global democracy. Methodologically, the most important contribution is the development of Public Justifications Analysis, a method for analyzing political claims in media debates and the ways in which these claims are justified.

Kansallisen konsensuskulttuurin jäljillä : Globalisaatioajan Suomi Helsingin Sanomissa

The dissertation analyzes Finnish consensual culture in public discussion and journalism in Helsingin Sanomat (HS). The consensual Finnish political culture has evolved and persisted over a long period of time and it has been affected by historical circumstances as well as the dynamics of political and journalistic structures and actors. A historical chronology is drawn in the study regarding the nature and development of consensus culture in 20th century Finland. This political culture is traced by looking at public discussion on globalization at the turn of the millennium. Globalization as a concept has been contested and various societal actors have given different meanings to it. This research looks at how the globalization discussion in HS during the years 1992-2004 constructs consensus. Helsingin Sanomat (and its predecessor Päivälehti) has been an important actor in Finnish journalism and the public sphere almost since its founding 120 years ago. The history of the paper is tightly connected to Finland s general political history and history of the public sphere. Moreover, the paper s connections to the societal elite have always been close. The central question in this research was to see how the globalization discussion in HS evolved in relation to consensus as well as legitimate controversies. As a result it is stated that the globalization question has clearly divided the Finnish societal actors. The most powerful societal elites (government, most civil servants, corporate sector) had a profile of being pro globalization. They communicated their globalization strategy as a national, unified way of thinking. Other elites which have been losing their influence (the president, labor union, part of members of parliament), as well as civil society actors tried to bring forward conflicting views in relation to globalization. The paper did give some room to these elements, but on the other hand it also tried to keep up the consensual discussion culture especially in the editorial section. In line with its traditions Helsingin Sanomat strived to create national unity. At the same time it did not give adequate attention to the changes brought about by globalization to the positions and roles of various elites and civil society actors. In this discussion HS seemed more like a medium of the state than as a critical and independent actor. Journalism has an important role in upholding and also reviving the Finnish political culture and public discussion. From this point of view it is problematic if the area of so called legitimate controversy in broad societal questions like globalization becomes very limited. As the Finnish elites are small and there is no considerable competition between them, journalism should actively bring up controversial issues. This task becomes complicated, however, if the elite circles are closed up and no initiatives come from their ranks. Political decision making as well as democracy can suffer, if issues are not brought to the public agenda.

'Someone to welcome you home' : Infertility, medicines and the Sukuma-Nyamwezi

This study Someone to Welcome you home: Infertility, medicines and the Sukuma-Nyamwezi , looks into the change in the cosmological ideology of the Sukuma-Nyamwezi of Tanzania and into the consequences of this change as expressed through cultural practices connected to female infertility. This analysis is based on 15 months of fieldwork in Isaka, in the Shinyanga area. In this area the birth rate is high and at the same time infertility is a problem for individual women. The attitudes connected to fertility and the attempts to control fertility provide a window onto social and cultural changes in the area. Even though the practices connected to fertility seem to be individualized the problem of individual women - the discourse surrounding fertility is concerned with higher cosmological levels. The traditional cosmology emphasized the centrality of the chief as the source of well-being. He was responsible for rain and the fertility of the land and, thus, for the well-being of the whole society. The holistic cosmology was hierarchical and the ritual practices connected to chiefship which dealt with the whole of the society were recursively applied at the lower levels of hierarchy, in the relationships between individuals. As on consequence of changes in the political system, the chiefship was legally abolished in the early years of Independence. However, the holistic ideology, which was the basis of the chiefship, did not disappear and instead acquired new forms. It is argued that in African societies the common efflorence of diviner-healers and witchcraft can be a consequence of the change in the relationship between the social reality and the cosmological ideology. In the Africanist research the increase in the numbers of diviner-healers and witchcraft is usually seen as a consequence of individualism and modernization. In this research, however, it is seen as an altered form of holism, as a consequence of which the hierarchical relations between women and men have changed. Because of this, the present-day practices connected to reproduction pay special attention to the control of women s sexuality.

Ydinperheen politiikka

The research topic is the formation of nuclear family understanding and the politicization of nuclear family. Thus, the question is how did family historically become understood particularly as nuclear family and why did it become central in terms of politics and social? The research participates in discussions on the concept and phenomena of family. Central theme of analysis is to ask what is family? Family is seen as historically contingent and the discussions on the concept and phenomena are done via historical analysis. Center of attention is nuclear family, thus, a distinction between the concepts of family and nuclear family is made to be able to focus on historically specific phenomena of nuclear family. Family contrary to the concept of nuclear family -- in general is seen to be able to refer to families in all times and all cultures, as well as all types of families in our times and culture. The nuclear family understanding is examined through two separate themes, that of parent-child relationships and marital relations. Two simultaneous processes give nuclear family relations its current form: on the one hand the marital couple as the basis of family is eroding and losing its capacity to hold the family together; on the other, in Finland at least from 1950s on, the normal development of the child has became to be seen ontologically bound to the (biological) mother and (via her to) the father. In the nucleus of the family is the child: the biological, psychological and social processes of normal development are seen ontologically bound to the nuclear family relations. Thus, marriages can collapse, but nuclear family is unbreakable. What is interesting is the historical timing: as nuclear family relations had just been born, the marriage dived to a crisis. The concept and phenomena of nuclear family is analyzed in the context of social and politics (in Finnish these two collapses in the concept of yhteiskunnallinen , which refers both to a society as natural processes as well as to the state in terms of politics). Family is political and social in two senses. First, it is understood as the natural origin of the social and society. Human, by definition, is understood as a social being and the origin of social, in turn, is seen to be in the family. Family is seen as natural to species. Disturbances in family life lead to un-social behaviour. Second, family is also seen as a political actor of rights and obligations: family is obligated to control the life of its members. The state patronage is seen at the same time inevitable family life is way too precious to leave alone -- and problematic as it seems to disturb the natural processes of the family or to erode the autonomy of it. The rigueur of the nuclear family is in the role it seems to hold in the normal development of the child and the future of the society. The disturbances in the families first affect the child, then the society. In terms of possibility to re-think the family the natural and political collide: the nuclear family seems as natural, unchangeable, un- negotiable. Nuclear family is historically ontologised. The biological, psychological and social facts of family seem to be contrary to the idea of negotiation and politics the natural facts of family problematise the politics of family. The research material consists of administrational documents, memoranda, consultation documents, seminar reports, educational writings, guidebooks and newspaper articles in family politics between 1950s and 1990s.

Etiikan tutkimuksen funktio Aristoteleella ja Nikomakhoksen etiikan tulkintaperinteet

Käytännöllisen filosofian historian alaan kuuluva Pro Gradu -tutkielmani pyrkii vastaamaan kysymykseen, mikä on etiikan tutkimuksen funktio Aristoteleen Nikomakhoksen etiikassa. Tarkastelen Nikomakhoksen etiikan tulkintaperinteitä ja erityisesti Aristoteleen etiikan egoistisesta perusluonteesta käytyä keskustelua. Tutkimuksessa kyysenalaistan oletuksen, että etiikan teorian funktio Aristoteleella olisi ollut sama kuin mikä se modernissa etiikassa on. Tutkimuksessani totean antiikin etiikan ja modernin moraalikäsityksen erot ja tuon esiin sen, kuinka helposti modernit Aristoteles-kommentaattorit lankeavat anakronismiin. Tämä tulee esiin egoismi-keskustelussa ja siinä, millaisia asioita keskustelun osapuolet vaativat Aristoteleen etiikalta tai olettavat etiikan teorian sisältävän. Keskustelu Aristoteleen etiikan egoismista toimii esimerkkinä, jonka kautta valoitetaan modernien tulkintaperinteiden ongelmia. Tutkimuksessa päädytään kumoamaan ongelmallisena tulkintaperinne, jonka mukaan Aristoteleen eettinen naturalismi voisi tarjota rationaalisen perustan etiikalle. Myös perinteinen käsitys Aristoteleen etiikan teorian funktiosta hylätään ja päädytään esittämään että Aristoteleen etiikka on perusluonteeltaan erottamatonta politiikasta ja antiikin kreikan kaupunkivaltion poliittisesta rakenteesta. Tämän johdosta kyseenalaistetaan vakavasti mahdollisuus soveltaa Aristoteleen etiikkaa moderniin maailmaan. Johtopäätöksenä on, että Nikomakhoksen etiikka on enemmänkin lainsäätäjille/valtiomiehille (tai sellaiseksi aikoville) suunnattua asiantuntijakirjallisuutta kuin yksityiselle ihmiselle hänen omassa elämässään vastauksia tarjoava opas. Etiikan teorian tarkoituksena on näyttää lainsäätäjille kokonaiskuva, mihin suuntaan heidän tulisi lainsäädännöllään kansalaisia ohjata.