A perspectiva portuguesa do fórum para a cooperação económica e comercial entre a China e os países de língua portuguesa

Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais

A Influência da Exploração Espacial na Política Externa

Dissertação Mestrado em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais

A Relevância que a Formação dada pelo Instituto Diplomático tem, na valorização da condução da Política Externa Portuguesa do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros

Relatório de Estágio apresentado para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais

A formação diplomática ministrada pelo Instituto Diplomático no contexto da diplomacia pública e no âmbito da Iniciativa 5+5

Serve o presente documento como registo descritivo da prossecução da componente não letiva do mestrado, por via de um estágio curricular realizado no Instituto Diplomático do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros, cujo relatório aqui se apresenta. O presente relatório de estágio destina-se então não só a descrever as atividades desenvolvidas ao longo do estágio como também - após a definição dos seus conceitos estruturantes - a desenvolver a ideia de que a formação diplomática é ministrada como instrumento de diplomacia pública e não como ferramenta de soft power. Pretende-se, a propósito da I Reunião dos Diretores de Formação Diplomática no âmbito da Iniciativa 5+5, entender em que assenta esta nova parceria global euro-mediterrânica e os seus objetivos essenciais, as vantagens que poderão advir desta parceria para Portugal e especialmente para algumas unidades do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiro, nomeadamente o IDI, no que respeita à formação diplomática, procurando ainda perceber o papel do IDI na área da diplomacia pública.

Diplomacia de Defesa: o Diálogo da Força ou a Força do Diálogo?

A Diplomacia de Defesa, apesar de existir com outros nomes e formas há já muitas décadas, só há relativamente pouco tempo lhe foi atribuída o espaço e o reconhecimento devido, quer em termos políticos, quer académicos. O presente trabalho pretende reconhecer o contributo da Diplomacia de Defesa para a concretização de importantes objetivos de política externa e apresentar uma definição que reflete não apenas a forma como é exercida mas, também, aquilo que realmente é: o emprego não violento de meios e recursos militares pelo Ministério da Defesa Nacional e pelas Forças Armadas, em atividades de cooperação com países aliados, parceiros e outros estrategicamente relevantes. O objetivo final da Diplomacia de Defesa não é apenas promover a cooperação bilateral e multilateral no âmbito da Defesa de uma forma altruísta, mas estabelecer parcerias benéficas do interesse dos países envolvidos e, nessa perspetiva, a Diplomacia de Defesa é uma aplicação direta de soft power. E porque o hard power gera soft power, a eficácia do soft power depende, evidentemente, da credibilidade do hard power. O uso da Diplomacia de Defesa como uma ferramenta da diplomacia já não deve ser, assim, uma escolha, mas uma componente necessária na análise das questões globais devendo ser reconhecida - e não temida - como um multiplicador de força de política externa.

Podem as nossas leis tornar-nos mais atrativos?

The concept of soft power offers the opportunity for the States, under the current power shifts, to thrive, in a competitive and globalised scene, shaping o t hers' preference in accordance with their goals. Portugal, though it i s a small country, has soft power skills, according with specialized rankings, due to i t s geography and climate, main economic activities, historical role, legal framework, culture and language. Therefore, we can and we should develop public policies to optimize our resources, converting them in planned outcomes. On the other hand, public entities engaged with foreign trade, investment and tour ism, aid f or development, promotion of culture and language should be structured in or-der to strengthen the performance of Portugal in this area. Being a member of the European Union or of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries is, at last, essential to expand our global presence. In this Master's work project, I decided to make a critical analysis of legislation related with public diplomacy i n Portugal, together wi th research about the approach of two other countries (United Kingdom and Finland) to the same topic, for the sake of improvement.

The attractiveness of nations in global competition : an empirical assessment of the effects of country attractiveness on the success of strategy for hosting international sports events, 1990-2012

This dissertation aims to investigate empirical evidence on the importance and influence of attractiveness of nations in global competition. The notion of country attractiveness, which has been widely developed in the research areas of international business, tourism and migration, is a multi-dimensional construct to measure a country's characteristics with regard to its market or destination that attract international investors, tourists and migrants. This analytical concept provides an account of the mechanism as to how potential stakeholders evaluate more attractive countries based on certain criteria. Thus, in the field of international sport-event bidding, do international sport event owners also have specific country attractiveness for their sport event hosts? The dissertation attempts to address this research question by statistically assessing the effects of country attractiveness on the success of strategy for hosting international sports events. Based on theories of signaling and soft power, country attractiveness is defined and measured as the three dimensions of sustainable development: economic, social, and environmental attractiveness. This thesis proceeds to examine the concept of sport-event-hosting strategy and explore multi-level factors affecting the success in international sport-event bidding. By exploring past history of the Olympic Movement from theoretical perspectives, the thesis proposes and tests the hypotheses that economic, social and environmental attractiveness of a country may be correlated with its bid wins or the success of sport-event-hosting strategy. Quantitative analytical methods with various robustness checks are employed with using collected data on bidding results of major events in Olympic sports during the period from 1990 to 2012. The analysis results reveal that event owners of international Olympic sports are likely to prefer countries that have higher economic, social, and environmental attractiveness. The empirical assessment of this thesis suggests that high country attractiveness can be an essential element of prerequisites for a city/country to secure in order to bid with an increased chance of success.

II Cumbre UE-ALC: un encuentro sin estrategia

El proceso de asociación estratégica birregional entre la Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe es un ejemplo claro de un intento de cooperación encuadrado en la óptica del neoliberalismo institucional, tanto en su forma –el establecimiento de un mecanismo de acercamiento entre dos regiones del mundo- como en su contenido, manifiesto en el amplio y variado temario plasmado en los acuerdos del Compromiso de Madrid. Sin embargo, si se abordan los resultados del encuentro desde esta misma óptica encontramos que en la Cumbre se desaprovechó una oportunidad de afianzar las relaciones entre ambas regiones, poniendo en riesgo el soft power que ejerce la UE respecto a ALC, a raíz de la decepción de las administraciones latinoamericanas en función de la satisfacción de sus demandas, que ha sido baja.

China´s Economic Security Police Towards ASEAN From

After the economic reforms of 1978, China started rising very fast and started engaging other countries in the region which has served to increase its confidence in the region. In the post cold war period, China was seen as a big threat for the region because of its claims on the South China Sea. Nevertheless, this image was eliminated when China engaged ASEAN and other multilateral and regional organizations. This paper is studying China’s economic and security policies towards ASEAN. Globalization Theory is the theory being used to explain the nature of China-ASEAN relations. This research paper argues that China’s rise is promoting peace in the region. With the engagement policy, China started promoting trade and security co operations based on mutual benefits and dialogues for the peaceful resolutions of the disputes in the region. This contributed greatly to improve China’s image in the region. Additionally, China’s posture during the economic crises of 1997 also greatly contributed to improve its image. Thus, the rise of China is providing opportunity to the other countries in East Asia. Chapter One: Background On China-ASEAN Relations The use of Soft Power and engagement policy by the Chinese government has helped to change China’s image in the region. By using these policies China has been able to clear the feeling of suspicion and mistrust among the Asian states. China has increased its participation in multilateral and regional organizations, such as ASEAN. Due to this China has been able to promote economic and security co-operation among countries in the region. Thus, from being a potential threat China became a potential co-operative partner. Chapter Two: A Look into ASEAN ASEAN was originally formed on 8th August 1967 in Bangkok, Thailand, by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Nevertheless, ASEAN was not the first regional group created to act as forum for dialogue between the leaders of different countries. Thought, it is the only one which could work in the region. The aim of the foundation of ASEAN was to promote peace and stability in the Abstract 2 region and also contain the spread of communism in Southeast Asia. For this reason, China did not engage ASEAN until 1990. However, in 1978 with the establishment of the open up policy China started engaging other countries. It started building trust among its neighboring countries by using soft power. By 1992, China formalized its diplomatic ties with ASEAN as a group. The diplomatic ties between China and ASEAN focus on multilateralism and co-operation as the best way for a more peaceful Asia and the search for common security. Thus, security in the region is promoted through economic co-operation among the states. Therefore the relation between China – ASEAN emphasizes the five principles of peaceful coexistence, mutual benefits in economic co-operation, dialogue promoting trust and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Chapter Three: China-ASEAN Economic Relations Since 1978 The economic reform of 1978 has greatly contributed to the economic development of China. After the adoption of the open up policy, China has been able to establish economic and trade relations with the outside world. The realist school of thought had predicted that Asia will not be stable in the post cold war period. Nevertheless, this has not been the case in Asia. China is growing peacefully with the co-operation of countries in the region. China is establishing strong ties with its neighboring countries. China and ASEAN relations focus on mutual benefit instead of being a zero sum game. Thus these relations are aimed at encouraging trust and economic co-operation in the region. China and ASEAN have agreed on Free Trade to assure that the two parties benefit from the co-operation. The ACFTA will have a great impact on economic, political and security issues. This will enable China to increase its influence in Asia and counterbalance the influences that Japan and U.S have in the region. Chapter Four: China ASEAN Relations in the Security Perspective This Chapter is about China and ASEAN relations on security issue. The new security issues of the post cold war period need to be solved in multilateral way. China as a major power in the region, through its engagement policy has solved most Abstract 3 of the disputes in the region using multilateral means. China has also found ways to solve the dispute over Spratly Islands peacefully, through dialogue using ASEAN. Additionally, China signed the Treaty of Amity in 2003, promoted security initiatives through ARF, Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and documents covering non-traditional security threats, economic co-operation and agricultural co-operation in November 2002, and the Joint Declaration on Strategic. Chapter Five: Finding and Analysis This chapter provides a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the date collected throughout this research. It provides an analysis of how the rise of China is promoting peace in the region. China has been promoting mutual beneficial trade and security co-operation which has increased its influence in the region. China has also been able to solve most of the territorial and border dispute in the region through ASEAN. Thus, ASEAN has amended China’s relations with other countries in the region. Therefore, China’s foreign policy in the region has a big impact in shaping the dynamic relations in East Asia. Conclusion and Recommendations This paper concluded that the relationships between China and ASEAN are contributing to peace in the region. After China engaged ASEAN, it has been able to promote multilateral trade based on mutual benefit. This is clearly emphasized by the CAFTA. Additionally, China has solved most of the dispute in the region. It has also found way for a peaceful resolution of the dispute over Spratly Island. Nowadays, the ASEAN countries don’t see China as a threat to the region. Nevertheless, they’ve adopted deterrence measures such as establishing diplomatic relations with other big powers in the region to assure that the region continues to grow peacefully. Concerning this deterrence measures, I recommend as another way for a continued peaceful growth, the resolution of the outstanding dispute.

Los nuevos activos del árbitro de baloncesto: poder blando, empatía y comunicación. El caso del Comité catalán de Árbitros de Baloncesto

El arbitraje del baloncesto ha experimentado numerosos cambios en los últimos diez años. El presente artículo pretende aunar algunas bases conceptuales y metodológicas a partir de las cuales definir un nuevo perfil operativo para el denominado ‘árbitro moderno’. En este sentido, se ahondará en el análisis de las nuevas competencias comunicativas asociadas e indisolubles a la tarea arbitral, capitalizadas por el diálogo, la administración de ‘poder blando’, la gestión emocional y la adopción, por parte del árbitro, de una renovada actitud empática ante todos los componentes del juego. Así las cosas, este trabajo, en su conjunto y con la ayuda de un estudio de caso, propondrá la definición teórica de nuevas lógicas de actuación arbitral propias del baloncesto del siglo XXI.

"Ici la Suisse-Do isch t Schwyz-Switzerland calling!" : la société suisse de radiodiffusion (SSR) au service du rayonnement culturel helvetique (1932-1949)

La dialectique entre radiodiffusion et histoire des relations culturelles internationales est un domaine largement inexploré. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser le rôle de la Société suisse de radiodiffusion (SSR), société privée qui exerce jusqu'en 1983 le monopole sur l'ensemble des stations de radio suisses, dans l'intensification des relations culturelles internationales de la Confédération. Pour examiner cette dimension des activités de la SSR, je me suis prioritairement penchée sur l'étude de la radio internationale helvétique, dénommée alors « Service suisse d'ondes courtes » (SOC). A l'instar de plusieurs organismes similaires à l'étranger, le SOC remplit dès ses débuts une double mission : resserrer les liens avec la diaspora et faire rayonner le pays hors des frontières nationales. Cette recherche met sur le devant de la scène un acteur médiatique aujourd'hui totalement oublié, le Service suisse d'ondes courtes. Par rapport à l'historiographie des radios internationales, elle mêle approche institutionnelle et, dans la mesure des sources disponibles, l'analyse de la programmation. Elle complète aussi l'histoire de la diplomatie culturelle suisse en rappelant la place du service public audiovisuel parmi les institutions chargées de promouvoir le pays à l'étranger. Pour finir, cette étude constitue également un apport à l'histoire des organisations internationales liées à la radiodiffusion (UIR, UIT). L'analyse du volet international des activités de la SSR a permis de dépasser la seule notion de « puissance » qui a été jusqu'à ces dernières années au coeur des ouvrages dévolus aux radios internationales. L'objectif poursuivi par la SSR ne réside pas tellement dans la diplomatie d'influence (l'exercice d'un « soft power »), qui tend à imposer ses valeurs et un mode de vie, mais plutôt dans la volonté de faire comprendre et reconnaître la culture politique de la Suisse dans le but de renforcer et pérenniser la place de celle-ci dans le concert des nations. Dans cette perspective, la culture devient un moyen utilisé pour transmettre à l'étranger une représentation valorisante du pays, une image de marque (une forme de « Nation Branding » avant l'heure) également utile au secteur touristique et à l'industrie d'exportation. Le Service suisse d'ondes courtes fait ainsi avant tout des relations publiques, un avant-goût de ce que les Américains appelleront dans les années 1960 la « public diplomacy »

Del Estado-nación al Estado-marca. El rol de la diplomacia pública y la marca de país en el nuevo escenario de las relaciones internacionales

El establecimiento de relaciones entre países en un entorno global parece requerir nuevas estrategias que trascienden la tradicional diplomacia de Estado. La diplomacia pública deviene una renovada estrategia de proyección internacional, donde la marca de país ejerce un importante papel a modo de dispositivo aglutinador y de transmisión de identidades nacionales. De este modo, el nuevo “poder blando” de la representación geográfica parece transcurrir en el seno del debilitamiento del Estado-nación y en claro beneficio de una nueva forma de comunicar la identidad de un país más próxima a la intervención de diferentes agentes sociales que a la firma de tratados internacionales de competencia gubernamental. A partir de una revisión de la literatura existente, este artículo presenta un estado del arte relacionado con las nuevas estrategias de representatividad internacional llevadas a cabo por países y naciones.

Los nuevos activos del árbitro de baloncesto: poder blando, empatía y comunicación. El caso del Comité catalán de Árbitros de Baloncesto

The basketball refereeing has undergone many changes in the last ten years. This article claims to combine some conceptual and methodological basis to define the meanings for the so called ‘modern refereeing’. Indeed, this research is concerned to the analysis of the new communication skills as an inseparable asset to the arbitration task, characterized by the dialogue, the administration of 'soft power', the emotional management and the adoption of a renewed and empathic attitude towards all the components of the game. Finally, this paper will propose the concretion of some specific communicative characteristics of the basketball refereeing in the XXI century.

Le relazioni Italo - Finlandesi nella documentazione del Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano e nel "Memoriale" di Attilio Tamaro (1929-1935)

My doctoral thesis may be placed within the branch of studies on the history of international relations and it examines the development of Italian-Finnish bilateral relations during the mandate of Attilio Tamaro, the plenipotentiary Minister (1929-1935). The research is based exclusively on Italian sources, on the private documentation of the diplomat and on his “Memoriale”, which have been critically analysed, using theories, such as those on the policies of power, on the soft power and on foreign trade. This research aims to draw attention to the bilateral dynamics, and to bridge the gaps of the specific historiography, paying attention to the relations between the Lapua movement and Italian fascism, and to the role that the Minister Tamaro played. The 1929-1935 period is the most intense one in the bilateral relations, and it expands those already begun in the Twenties, thereby replacing the idea of a poor and backward Italy with that of a modern, strong and orderly country that fascism had been capable of building. The need for Finland to solve its internal problems led to the development of the lappist movement in the first few months of 1930 which, with its anticommunism and anti-parliamentarism, led conservative Finland to look towards the Italian political model with particular fondness. The Italian diplomacy, at least during the Grandi ministry, distinguished itself for its moderate involvement in its connections with lappism. After 1932, with the spread of universal fascism, opposing national-socialism, the relationships between fascism and the lappist movement intensified and led the IKL (Patriotic People’s Movement) into the Italian sphere. Actually, especially after 1933, what was the most effective instrument of Tamaro’s political action was culture: the Italian Readership, the cultural associations, and the use of the cinematic arts and art were the channels for the expansion of a cultural imperialism which abounded in political propaganda. With the War of Ethiopia in 1935, the good Italian-Finnish relationships partly cooled down because Italy appeared to be a dangerous nation for the stability of the security system of Finland. The research results are stimulating: they bring to light the ambitions of great power of monarchist-fascist Italy; they show the importance of the Italian example in inspiring the conservative Finnish right-wing; they allow one to hypothesize that there was at least an indirect influence of the Italian model on the development of Finnish events. The aspiration of our research is to stimulate further studies on diplomatic, military and trade relations between Italy and the Scandinavian countries from 1919 to today.

Hidden Motives: An Analysis of Online ESL Teacher Hiring Practices in Japan and Hong Kong

Hidden Motives: An Analysis of Online English as a Second Language (ESL) Teacher Hiring Practices in Japan and Hong Kong is a qualitative research paper examines and compares two large-scale Asian English language teaching programs: Japan’s Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Programme (JET Programme, 2010) and Hong Kong’s Native-speaking English Teacher (NET) Scheme (NET Scheme, 2013). Both government sponsored programs recruit internationally and invite participants to work within each country’s public schools while living amongst local communities and both programs utilize their online presence to attract, inform, and recruit individuals. The purpose of this research is to investigate whether the JET and NET websites are transparent with their governmental motives aside from improving their students’ English language abilities. While JET and NET websites were interrogated, the research questions were regularly revisited to determine if the two sites made any underlying motives clear to the candidates. The research, supported by academic literature, exposed the JET Programme website to be a branch of the Japanese government’s soft power campaign, whereby JET teachers were hired firstly as potential advocates for Japan and Japanese culture rather than English teachers. Conversely, the NET Scheme appeared to be solely commissioned for English language improvement as reflected by their website. Findings from the research can provide insight to applicants to help them decide if they want to participant in these programs. Without clearly understanding the background that motivates these programs, participants may unknowingly be used to support the host government’s agendas.