El català i els joves: propostes de política lingüística del Consell Social de la Llengua Catalana

Segons els estudis existents, en general, els joves són la franja més capacitada per utilitzar el català en tots els àmbits i contextos, però, en conjunt, són els que menys el fan servir. En l"àmbit metropolità, on resideix la majoria de la població de Catalunya, l"ús del català per part dels joves és encara més baix. Alhora, se sap que l"assoliment de la competència de l"expressió oral en català al final del primer cicle de l"ESo no és pas general, per la qual cosa tot sembla indicar que el model escolar actual no té gaire influència en els usos lingüístics més individualitzats. En el marc d"aquesta situació, el Govern de la Generalitat de Catalunya va encarregar al Consell Social de la Llengua Catalana un informe sobre les possibles mesures a prendre per tal d"intervenir-hi i potenciar més l"ús de la llengua. Les conclusions del Consell assenyalen que caldria actuar preferentment sobre els hàbits d"ús intergrupals i socials a través de la formació sociolingüística dels mestres i professors en general, i tot transformant els centres escolars que ho necessitin per la seva composició demolingüística en institucions molt conscients del seu paper en el desenvolupament eficaç d"una L2 (llengua segona). Igualment, es recomana que les polítiques lingüístiques no ignorin el pla cognitivoemotiu dels individus i que s"acompanyin de discursos legitimadors integradors. Per tal d"augmentar la percepció d"utilitat i funcionalitat del català, és imprescindible aconseguir que es converteixi en la llengua laboral més habitual, fet pel qual la intervenció sobre el món socioeconòmic té la màxima importància. En paral·lel, el Govern ha de procurar incidir en tot l"àmbit ludicomediàtic juvenil, ja que és una generació plenament integrada en aquest univers tecnològic.

Contexto y contacto en el aprendizaje de lenguas extranjeras.

Resumen tomado del autor

Perspectives de l'adquisició d'una segona llengua : implicacions per a l'educació bilingüe. 'Perspectivas de la adquisición de una segunda lengua : implicaciones para la educación bilingüe'.

La autora revisa en este artículo las diferentes aportaciones que se han dado con relación a la adquisición de una segunda lengua. Se formulan una serie de interrogantes desde un plateamiento socio-cultural. Se concluye de este modo, que para evaluar los programas bilingües se ha de atender tanto al proceso individual cognitivo del que aprende una segunda lengua como a su significado cultural y social.

Llengua i immigració : la influència de la primera llengua en l'adquisició del català com a segona llengua. 'Lengua e inmigración : la influencia de la primera lengua en la adquisición del catalán como segunda lengua'.

Resumen basado de la publicación

La Variació de les etapes evolutives i l'adquisició dels aprenentatges aquàtics en una experiència motriu en la primera infància

My work seeks, to observe if there is some variation at some evolutionary stage starting from the knowledge obtained starting from the study of learning and development motor, with reference to a controlled group. My research details the types of aquatic abilities that take place as a consequence of a specific program. My investigation uses a quantitative methodology that compares the moments of appearance of different evolutionary stages in a first phase and a qualitative methodology for the second phase that makes those learnings thake place as a consequence of my intervention. To elaborate this process I have used an inductive and deductive method, I have based my reserach on fifteen years, of experience of these practices and used the data that has been provided to me from other's author's investigations.

L'ús dels clítics pronominals del català i la seva adquisició per parlants de romanès i de tagal

El nostre estudi ha analitzat els mecanismes de transferència de la L1 en dos grups de parlants, un que té el romanès i l’altre el tagal com a llengües mare, en el procés d’aprenentatge del català com a L2. En concret ens hem centrat en l’estudi de l’ús dels clítics pronominals, una de les parts de la gramàtica catalana més apassionant per les seves idiosincràsies i la seva diversitat formal. L’ús d’aquest tipus de pronoms és un aspecte que resulta complicat d’adquirir per parlants de llengües en què no existeixen o on l’ús que en fan és diferent. En el nostre estudi, ens hem basat inicialment en la descripció de les característiques fonamentals dels clítics pronominals del català, del romanès i del tagal, a partir de bibliografia especialitzada i més general, i, en el cas del català, fent servir també la pròpia competència. Després d’aquest apartat més descriptiu, hem utilitzat un corpus d’entrevistes fetes en català a dos grups de parlants, el primer amb aprenents de català que tenen el romanès com a L1 i el segon amb aprenents de català que tenen el tagal com a L1, per analitzar quantitativament i qualitativament l’ús dels clítics pronominals. Un altre grup d’entrevistes, aquesta vegada a persones autòctones (català L1), ens ha servit com a grup de control. El nostre estudi dóna suport a la hipòtesi que atorga una importància especial a la transferència de la L1 en l’adquisició d'una segona llengua en general, i en la dels clítics pronominals d’una llengua romànica, en particular. Els resultats mostren que hi ha diferències entre els dos grups d'aprenents que són estadísticament significatives (ús del programa SPSS) i poden ser atribuïdes a les característiques de la L1.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

"When I have holidays": Influència entre llengües i producció escrita. Un estudi amb aprenents adults d'anglès com a llengua estrangera

En aquest article presentem una proposta de tipologia de la transferència lèxica en la producció escrita per tal d¿analitzar la incidència que té en adults aprenents d¿anglès com a llengua estrangera i veure les possibles relacions entre els tipus de transferència i el nivell de competència en anglès, així com les interrelacions entre les llengües prèvies (materna/es) i segones i l¿anglès. Els resultats mostren una influència important de la primera llengua en l¿aprenentatge de les altres i, en el cas dels aprenents bilingües que aprenen una tercera o quarta llengua, influències interessants entre totes les llengües.

Per aprendre anglès, quan abans millor? L'aprenentatge de l'anglès com a llengua estrangera. When Learning English, is it a case of 'The earlier the better?' Learning English as a foreign Language

En contra del que molts pares i mestres pensen, i en contra del que s'ha trobat en contextos d'adquisició natural de segones llengües i d'immersió, començar al més aviat possible l'aprenentatge d'idiomes, sobretot pel que fa a les tasques cognitivament més exigents, com l'escriptura, no sembla l'opció més eficaç. Els resultats del Grup de Recerca en Adquisició de Llengües (GRAL) estudià aprenents d'anglès que començaren als vuit i onze anys i trobaren, sistemàticament, que a llarg termini, després de les mateixes hores d'instrucció, eren els més grans, que havien començat als onze anys, els que obtenien millors resultats en totes les proves orals i escrites d'anglès excepte en alguna de prova de reconeixement fonètic. La maduresa cognitiva dels alumnes més grans i els diferents mecanismes d¿aprenentatge implícit i explícit entre els nens més petits i els adults ajuden a explicar per què només començar abans l'aprenentatge d'idiomes no sembla suficient per obtenir millors resultats.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Les creences populars entorn a l'aprenentatge d'una llengua estrangera (Anglès) abans dels vuit anys

L'avançament de l'edat d'aprenentatge obligatori d'una llengua estrangera deis 11 als 8 anys en el context educatiu espanyol, així com la demanda creixent per part deis pares d'introduir-ne l'ensenyament al més aviat possible, ja sigui al Primer Cicle de Primaria (6-7 anys) o encara més aviat, en l'Educació Infantil (3-5 anys), no solament indica un alt nivell de conscienciació de la necessitat de coneixement d'idiomes que el món actual exigeix, sinó que també evidencia la creença que existeix una edat privilegiada per aprendre llengües, que se situa en els primers anys de l'escolaritat.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.