431 resultados para Workman’s privilege


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Legislation prohibiting the publication of any literary work without prior licence.
Drawing upon both the Star Chamber Decree 1637 (uk_1637) and the Acts Regulating Printing during the Interregnum (see: uk_1643 and associated documents), the Licensing Act set out a comprehensive set of provisions concerning both the licensing of the press and the regulation and management of the book trade. In addition, it confirmed the rights of those holding printing privileges (or patents) granted in accordance with the royal prerogative (see for example: Day's privilege for The Cosmographical Glass (uk_1559b)) as well as those who had registered works with the Stationers' Company (uk_1557). It also introduced the first legal library deposit requirement. In force between 1662 and 1679, and then again between 1685 and 1695, the Act represents the last occasion on which the censorship of the press was formally and strategically linked to the protection of the economic interests of the Stationers' Company. Its lapse led the Stationers' Company to lobby parliament for renewed protection, ultimately resulting in the passing of the Statute of Anne 1710 (uk_1710).

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A case, initiated by two composers, Johann Christian Bach and Karl Friedrich Abel, concerning whether or not printed music fell within the protection of the Statute of Anne 1710 (uk_1710). Lord Mansfield holds that published music is protected as ‘writing' within the terms of the legislation.
The commentary explores attitudes to the protection of music throughout the eighteenth century on the part of publishers, composers and musicians, and in particular the use of the printing privilege by some composers to secure the right to publish their work, and the efforts of the music publishers to secure legislative protection in the mid-eighteenth century.

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Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) is a method for the systematic analysis of cases. A holistic view of cases and an approach to causality emphasizing complexity are some of its core features. Over the last decades, QCA has found application in many fields of the social sciences. In spite of this, its use in feminist research has been slower, and only recently QCA has been applied to topics related to social care, the political representation of women, and reproductive politics. In spite of the comparative turn in feminist studies, researchers still privilege qualitative methods, in particular case studies, and are often skeptical of quantitative techniques (Spierings 2012). These studies show that the meaning and measurement of many gender concepts differ across countries and that the factors leading to feminist success and failure are context specific. However, case study analyses struggle to systematically account for the ways in which these forces operate in different locations.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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The aim of this work is to understand the morphological expression of ground occupation by the higher income population, by focusing on population distribution in accordance with income layers and demographical density, as well as topological accessibility (HILLIER and HANSON, 1984) resulting from the urban grid structure. It endeavors to identify a functional organizing principle regarding the intra-urban space of Natal capital city of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, the research focus. In order to achieve this, census data as well as syntactic data were utilized for mapping and spatial analysis of income patterns, topological accessibility and demographical density using Geographical Information System GIS. The organizing principle was named as the Form of Privilege, a pattern that concentrates or tends to concentrate wealth, topological accessibility and low demographical density. Attempting to assess its extent, beyond Natal, this principle was applied to other Brazilian northeastern capitals such as: Fortaleza, CE; Teresina, PI; Aracaju, SE; Recife, PE; and João Pessoa, PB. Findings point out that although the urban structures of these cities are not immune to the Form of Privilege, Natal is emblematic of this phenomenon, a fact that demonstrates the perverse character of its spatial process, which historically creates privileged areas within the city, by means of the appropriation of accessibility as well as of the many urban benesses that are related to it by higher income groups at the expense of the major part of the population, which though being the people mostly in need of the benefits originating from the urban form are excluded from them

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El privilegio contra la auto incriminación es una garantía constitucional que protege a todo procesado de ser compelido a declarar en contra de sí mismo en una causa penal; la mencionada garantía hace necesario realizar un análisis en torno a los límites y alcances de dicho privilegio de cara a la posibilidad de que judicialmente se dé la autorización, previa solicitud motivada de la policía judicial o de la Fiscalía General de la Nación, de obtener muestras para cotejo que involucren al imputado aun cuando éste se niegue a dar su consentimiento para ello. Las posiciones respecto a los límites y alcances que pueda tener éste privilegio no son pacíficas y van desde considerar que únicamente aplica para el caso del testimonio del acusado o coacusado hasta afirmar que, además del testimonio o declaración, comprende la prohibición absoluta de usar el cuerpo humano como medio de obtención de evidencia probatoria que pueda llegar a desvirtuar la presunción de inocencia y causar que sea el mismo procesado quien se incrimine. Es por lo anterior que nuestra Corte Constitucional fincó su posición en considerar que el privilegio comprende únicamente la prohibición de obligar al procesado a declarar en su contra; dejando por fuera de su órbita de protección la posibilidad de suplir la voluntad del indiciado, imputado o acusado con una orden judicial dada por el Juez de Control de Garantías para la toma de muestras con fines de cotejo aun cuando dicha evidencia tienda a incriminarlo. El privilegio contra la auto incriminación es una garantía constitucional que protege a todo procesado de ser compelido a declarar en contra de sí mismo en una causa penal; la mencionada garantía hace necesario realizar un análisis en torno a los límites y alcances de dicho privilegio de cara a la posibilidad de que judicialmente se dé la autorización, previa solicitud motivada de la policía judicial o de la Fiscalía General de la Nación, de obtener muestras para cotejo que involucren al imputado aun cuando éste se niegue a dar su consentimiento para ello. Las posiciones respecto a los límites y alcances que pueda tener éste privilegio no son pacíficas y van desde considerar que únicamente aplica para el caso del testimonio del acusado o coacusado hasta afirmar que, además del testimonio o declaración, comprende la prohibición absoluta de usar el cuerpo humano como medio de obtención de evidencia probatoria que pueda llegar a desvirtuar la presunción de inocencia y causar que sea el mismo procesado quien se incrimine. Es por lo anterior que nuestra Corte Constitucional fincó su posición en considerar que el privilegio comprende únicamente la prohibición de obligar al procesado a declarar en su contra; dejando por fuera de su órbita de protección la posibilidad de suplir la voluntad del indiciado, imputado o acusado con una orden judicial dada por el Juez de Control de Garantías para la toma de muestras con fines de cotejo aun cuando dicha evidencia tienda a incriminarlo.

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Unter dem Titel Männlichkeitskonzeptionen in geschlechterdifferenzierender Schulkultur untersuchen die Autoren den aufschlussreichen Fall eines Gymnasiums, das parallel mono- und koedukative Klassen eingeführt hat. Damit wird hier Geschlechterdifferenz explizit zu einem Ausgangspunkt der Gestaltung institutioneller Strukturen. Dies bildet sich auf der Ebene der Programmatik als das Anliegen ab, innerhalb monoedukativer Gruppen eine größere Differenzierung von Männlichkeiten und Weiblichkeiten zu ermöglichen. Auf den Ebenen der Unterrichtsplanung und der Unterrichtspraxis zeigen sich jedoch in Interviews und teilnehmenden Beobachtungen eine binäre Geschlechterunterscheidung und eine „latente Privilegierung von Männlichkeit“. Die Autor_innen begreifen dies als einen Ausdruck der tiefen Verankerung von Differenz und insbesondere Geschlechterdifferenz in der Institution Schule. (DIPF/Orig.)

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Relatório de Estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Educação de Paula Frassinetti para obtenção de grau Mestre em Educação Pré-Escolar e Ensino 1º ciclo do Ensino Básico.

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El presente estudio ofrece una interpretación de naturaleza ontológica a uno de los fenómenos más divulgados recientemente por los medios informativos de comunicación: la displicencia de los sujetos al seguimiento de normas sociales. El trabajo se centra, especialmente, en los casos en los que se asume que la indiferencia a las normas tiene como causa la condición del privilegiado social. Argumenta que la inobservancia a las normas, más que ser un asunto de desigualdad social, es la sintomatología de importantes hendiduras en la ontología de la realidad social. Así, tres partes conforman este trabajo. En la primera se describen algunos casos que, desde los medios de comunicación, se presentan como representativos en la inobservancia a las normas sociales, especialmente, aquellos que son interpretados como un asunto de abuso de privilegio social. En la segunda parte, a partir de algunos trabajos de John Austin, Ulises Moulines y Gottlob Frege, se presenta una concepción de normas sociales, y su valor para la construcción de la ontología social. En la tercera parte, desde la propuesta del filósofo John Searle, se describen algunos rasgos esenciales de la ontología de la realidad social. Se concluye que el no seguimiento de las normas sociales socava los modos de existencia de la realidad social, y que los casos interpretados por los medios de comunicación como asunto de desigualdad social, requieren una interpretación que tenga en cuenta la estructura de la realidad social.

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O objetivo deste artigo é oferecer uma definição do relativamente recente género literário que é exemplificado pela escrita de autoras como Margarida Rebelo Pinto, Fátima Lopes e Rita Ferro. Trata-se de literatura cujo possível ''par'' anglo-saxónico encontramos na ‘chick lit’ – uma ficção escrita geralmente por mulheres e para mulheres, que se foca na sua vida quotidiana. Pretende-se chegar a esta definição, por um lado, via análise do discurso mediático e académico à volta das obras mais populares e através de inquéritos com leitores e leitoras, por outro lado. Assim, pomos em relevo o jogo que se desenvolve entre a crítica literária, que ocorre publicamente (revistas, programas televisivos, blogues), e a leitura, que se exerce num âmbito privado e individual. Consideramos também como a crítica determina a leitura e em que medida a leitura e interpretação são atos isolados e pessoais. A pesquisa da qual resulta este artigo levou-nos às considerações literárias de índole mais geral, como, por exemplo, quem tem o poder de dizer o que é a literatura? A quem cabe o privilégio de designar o valor duma obra literária?

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Esta dissertação estuda as relações políticas entre a casa de Bragança e os poderes locais nos concelhos de Vila Viçosa, Arraiolos e Monsaraz, entre 1640 e 1668, a partir da prerrogativa jurisdicional de confirmar as vereações. A reconstituição dos autos eleitorais permitiu comparar o procedimento eleitoral que era seguido nas terras da casa de Bragança com o que era seguido na maioria dos concelhos do reino e avaliar comparativamente o peso da autoridade da casa de Bragança, do rei e de outros donatários sobre as terras. De seguida, a identificação dos diversos intervenientes no processo eleitoral permitiu caracterizar socialmente as elites locais e avaliar os níveis de coincidência das escolhas para os senados camarários entre as comunidades (periferias) e a Junta da Casa de Bragança (centro). Conclui-se que esta casa senhorial detinha privilégios que lhe reforçavam significativamente a capacidade de dominação sobre as suas áreas jurisdicionais. Summary; This dissertation studies the political relations between the House of Bragança and the local authorities in Vila Viçosa, Arraiolos and Monsaraz, between 1640 and 1668, considering the legal privilege of confirming councilors and other members of town halls senates. The recovery of different electoral documents led to the comparison of electoral procedures in lands ruled by the House of Bragança and those followed in most of the kingdom, and allowed a comparative study of the authority of the House of Bragança, the king and other landlords over its properties. Then, by identifying the different participants of the electoral process, we made a social characterization of local elites and analyzed the similarities of nominations to local town halls senates made by the different communities (peripheral) and by the House of Bragança's administrative council (central power). We concluded that this House detained certain privileges, which reinforced the dominance over the lands within its judicial authority.

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El establecimiento de los medios idóneos para asegurar la eficacia práctica de las decisiones judiciales es una exigencia del buen funcionamiento de la Administración de Justicia. En ello juega un rol esencial la tutela cautelar. Durante los últimos años, tanto la doctrina como varios de los ordenamientos jurídicos de Europa y Latinoamérica han avanzado en la construcción de amplios y sólidos regímenes cautelares en el proceso administrativo, superando la visión tradicional del contencioso que limitaba la tutela cautelar a una única medida posible: la suspensión de la ejecución de los actos administrativos. Sin embargo, ello no ocurre así en Cuba, cuyo derecho procesal continúa descansando en la técnica de suspensión del acto y en la exacerbación del privilegio de autotutela ejecutiva de la Administración. El presente trabajo se propone demostrar la necesidad de creación de un nuevo régimen de tutela cautelar en el contencioso administrativo cubano, que sea capaz de garantizar una justicia administrativa eficaz en su misión de proteger los derechos de los ciudadanos y del interés general frente a cualquier comportamiento de la Administración Pública que los vulnere.

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Vorurteile, Macht und Diskriminierung sind die zentralen Themen des Anti-Bias-Ansatzes, der Diskriminierung auf zwischenmenschlicher, struktureller und gesellschaftlich-kultureller Ebene berücksichtigt. Die eigene Verwobenheit in Machtverhältnisse und damit verbundene Erfahrungen von Diskriminierung und Privilegierung sind dabei der Ausgangspunkt des Lernens. Vision ist eine vorurteilsbewusste, diskriminierungskritische und machtsensible Gesellschaft. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den Anti-Bias-Ansatz als Methode politischer Erwachsenenbildung vor. Hierfür werden die (Macht-)Mechanismen der Entstehung, Verinnerlichung und Reproduktion von Vorurteilen und Diskriminierung beleuchtet und wird die Intersektionalität (Überkreuzung) verschiedener Differenzlinien ausgemacht und aufgedeckt. Den Abschluss bildet ein Beispiel konkreter Umsetzung. (DIPF/Orig.)

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We have long been critics of the creative work of philosophers and culture at the tender touch of his words, written or verbal, are both with the "hammer" that whoever owns the Ethics in writer-reader relationship is the first, called "comprehensive architect of the word" but inveterate dominant ideals of multiple anonymous.With this statement suggests that the second of this connection is nothing but a later, perhaps a "so and so" incognito benefits from its "home on earth", and who succeeds, after a long journey "cognitive "the privilege of reading. This old argument raised from ancient tradition, makes the reader a living subject-receptor but without providing the bulk of responsibility quantitative space offered by the marketing and consumption.Distrust of the concepts that attempt to establish a definition coldly detached from a bandage dressing, and the reader has not been imposed by the consumer society. In the sixteenth century came the paperback version, the books of Erasmus of Rotterdam were bestsellers in their time. The Praise of Folly and the political writings of Marthin Luther read at a time when the religious world was incorruptible, were read more than the Bible. Imitation of Christ by Thomas a Kempis in the 1300's, that is, before you discover Gutenberg printing circulated throughout Europe in the Latin language, and even in the inscrutable rock monasteries under his cassock, in the secret place of the monk carrying the book. Accepting that the reader is a result of the market, is to bring the book to reified object category and inapreciar history book.

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This project proposes a feminist intervention in how affect and publics are theorized in public relations research. Drawing from extant literature, I argue that public relations theories of affect and publics have been apolitical and lack depth and context (Leitch & Motion, 2010a). Using the context of the online childhood vaccine debate, I illustrate several theories and concepts of the new feminist affective turn, as well as postmodern theories of affect, relevant to public relations research: (a) Public Feelings, “ugly” feelings, agency, and community (Cvetkovich, 2012; Ngai, 2007); (b) passionate politics (Mouffe, 2014); (c) postmodern assemblages, biopower, and body politics (Deleuze & Guattari, 1988; Foucault, 1984); (d) affective facts and logics of future threats (Massumi, 2010); and (e) affective ethics (Bertleson & Murphie, 2010). Scholarship in the areas of public relations, risk, feminist and postmodern affect theory, and the vaccine debate provided theoretical grounding for this project. My research questions asked: How is feminist affect theory embodied by mothers in the vaccine debate? How do mothers understand risks as affective facts in the vaccine debate (if at all)? What affective logics are used by mothers in the vaccine debate (if any)? And, What are sources of knowledge for mothers in the vaccine debate? Multi-sited online ethnographic methods were used to explore how feminist affect theory contributes to public relations research, including 29 one-on-one in-depth interviews with mothers of young children and participant observation of 15 online discussions about vaccines on parenting websites BabyCenter.com, TheBump.com, and WhatToExpect.com. I used snowball sampling to recruit interview participants and grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to analyze interview and online data. Results show that feminist affect theory contributes to theoretical and practical knowledge in public relations by politicizing and contextualizing understandings of publics and elucidating how affective facts and logics inform publics’ knowledge and choices, specifically in the context of risk. I also found evidence of suppression of dissent (Martin, 2015) and academic bias in vaccine debate research, which resulted in cultures of silence. Further areas of study included how specific contexts such as motherhood and issues of privilege and access affect publics’ experiences, knowledges, and choices.