506 resultados para Estatais
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The progress of a nation is closely linked to the energy supply that it has to develop its economic capabilities. The dependence of contemporary society for energy requires the continued expansion of the use of renewable energy, and implies coordinated action of the Democratic State in the delimitation of the best ways to make full use of energy. In periods of rapid development, countries need an increment of energy supplies superior to those of periods of regular economic growth. Energy demand generated by the condition of Brazil as an emerging country reveals the need for orderly expansion of energy supply. In reverse, lack of energy planning effectively paralyzes a country and generates incalculable losses in national socioeconomic development. The Brazilian Constitution abandoned the notion of development tied to the simple increase in the gross domestic product. The respect for the environment, sovereignty, national development, and especially the constant and growing supply of energy, promotes the advancement of national economic agents, and quenches the simple accounting increase in energy supply. Constitutional principles condition the rational use of energy potentials, in ensuring adequate supply of energy for the entire national territory. The Brazilian Ministry of Mines and Energy, through its agencies, government offices and companies, establishes and formulates policies and guidelines for energy in Brazil, playing an important role in national energy planning. National development is enhanced by the good performance of the state agencies responsible for planning the energy sector
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Brazilian law passes through a crisis of effectiveness commonly attributed to the extravagance of fundamental rights and public shortage. However, public finances are not dogmatically structured to solve the conflicts around the limitations of public spending. There are ethical conditioning factors, like morality, proportionality and impartiality, however, these principles act separately, while the problem of public shortage is holistic. Also, the subjectivity of politics discretionary in the definition of public spending, which is supported in an indeterminate concept of public interest, needs material orientation about the destination of public funds, making it vulnerable to ideological manipulation, resulting in real process of catching rights. Not even the judicial activism (such as influx of constitutionalism) is shown legally appropriate. The Reserve of Possible, also presents basic ethical failure. Understanding the formation of public shortage is therefore essential for understanding the crisis of effectiveness of state responsibilities, given the significant expansion of the state duty of protection, which does not find legal technique of defense of the established interests. The premise of argument, then, part of the possibility of deducting minimal model ethical of desire to spend (public interest) according to objective parameters of the normative system. Public spending has always been treated disdainfully by the Brazilian doctrine, according to the legal character accessory assigned to the monetary cost. Nonetheless, it is the meeting point between economics and law, or is in the marrow of the problem of public shortage. Expensive Subjects to modernity, as the effectiveness of fundamental rights, pass necessarily an ethical legal system of public spending. From the ethical principles deducted from the planning, only the democratic principle guides the public spending through the approval of public spending in the complex budget process. In other words, there is an ethical distancing of economic reality in relation to state responsibilities. From the dogmatic belief of insufficiency, public spending is evaluated ethically, according to the foundations of modern constitutionalism, in search of possible of the financial reserve, certain that the ethics of public economy is a sine qua non condition for legal ethics.
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O Brasil, apesar de ter uma participação ativa nos fóruns internacionais de debates sobre a proteção dos direitos humanos, ainda não atua de forma eficiente no adimplemento das obrigações livremente pactuadas, fato este que o levou a ser acionado e condenado pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, em virtude da prática de atos violatórios aos ditos direitos, praticados no âmbito dos três Poderes, bem como por todos os Entes Federativos. Diante dessa realidade que se apresenta, o nosso objeto de estudo será investigar a efetivação dos direitos humanos previstos em tratados internacionais pela Jurisdição brasileira. Na esteira desse raciocínio, nossa problemática consiste em demonstrar que os tratados internacionais de direitos humanos, apesar de serem claramente fontes do direito estatal, não vêm sendo devidamente aplicados pelos órgãos que exercem a função jurisdicional em nosso país. Fixada à problemática, nosso objetivo no presente estudo consiste em: 1) descrever a competência constitucional do Poder Judiciário para proteção dos direitos humanos e aplicação dos tratados internacionais; 2) definir o controle jurisdicional de convencionalidade como instrumento de proteção dos direitos humanos a ser utilizados pelos magistrados; e, 3) analisar quase um século de decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal no que toca a aplicação dos tratados internacionais de direitos humanos. Espera-se efetivamente demonstrar que compete a todos os órgãos estatais o dever de aplicar diretamente os instrumentos internacionais de proteção aos direitos humanos devidamente internalizados. Essa obrigação inegavelmente também recai sobre os que exercem a função jurisdicional. Desta maneira, todos os juízes incumbidos do exercício da jurisdição convertem-se no âmbito estatal em verdadeiros concretizadores dos direitos humanos, sejam eles advindos do sistema global ou do regional de proteção. Dessa forma, devem servir-se do controle de convencionalidade para afastar as manifestações estatais que estejam em dissintonia com o teor dos tratados internacionais de direitos humanos, bem como da interpreção a eles conferida pelas Cortes e Tribunais internacionais
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This paper is about the objective dimension of fundamental rights, aiming to present a concept well-designed for this dimension, and establish a systematic teaching of the subject, presenting the developments of this dimension of fundamental rights. The objective dimension of fundamental rights arises related to the idea of linking the state of fundamental rights, transforming these rights as the foundation and purpose of the state. It is distinguished from that perspective of the subjective dimension of fundamental rights, which includes the fundamental rights in an individual-state relationship. Under the subjective prism, rights are seen as limits required by the individual, the state intervention in the lives of individuals. A new dimension goes beyond the perspective of the rights of the individual as a mere resistance in the face of the state, assigning those rights also an active mission, which generates a series of legal repercussions. These developments or "effectiveness" the objective dimension are studied. The first consists of Binding Effectiveness, and demonstrated a new respect for fundamental rights within the state structure, which creates concepts such as "linkage of state functions fundamental rights" and "state s duty to protect". There is also the Radiant Effectiveness in which are examined topics such as the "constitutionalization of Law" and the "application of fundamental rights to particular relationships". Studies are still Procedure Effectiveness, in the case of "objectification of the mechanisms of protection of fundamental rights" and "opening of the processes of state protection of fundamental rights to public participation"
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The research aims to analyze the reasons and the unique role of prosecutors in the promotion of public policies. The opening lines deal with the evolution and expansion of the general theory of the fundamental rights in the international and national levels and that have led to the creation of a welfare state concerned with carrying out positive actions which aim at the community well-being. Thus, it is clear that, after the uneven development of the Brazilian democracy, the Constitution of 1988 not only has erected to a state socially responsible, but also built a system of guarantees which highlights the significant expansion of the Powers of the Public Ministry and has now taken an outstanding position in regard to collective rights, allowing, at the same time, its members to perform the syndication of state actions, particularly public policies, correcting the course of these administrative processes in the presence of poor management and inactivity of the public administrator when acting in defense of fundamental rights. This ministerial activism, even facing the obstacles and boundaries submitted to its pursuit, has shown an increase in actions that culminated, in the last ten years, in a significant number of judicial and extrajudicial measures that indicated the correction of public policies and actions in areas of health, education, housing and the environment. In this process of monitoring and doing, the important role of the other social characters is highlighted, especially the one of the citizen who is responsible for most of the complaints that start the initiatives of the Public Ministry and that can be deployed through a significant list of judicial and extrajudicial instruments, especially the important procedure that allows the hearing and participation of the involved in the implementation of public policies, enabling a collective even a consensual solution of the matter generated among the Public Administration. Given these initiatives, the ministerial activism has established itself as a movement of its own characteristics, aimed to guarantee the fundamental rights, especially when these are not targeted by state actions that should contribute to the achievement of the democratic state of law idealized by the Federal Constitution without any distortion of direction. Nevertheless, this activism still seeks for its full accomplishment in the practical world
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This paper focuses on a study of public policy jurisdictional control as some effectiveness mechanism for cultural, economical, and social fundamental rights. It investigates the juridical profile of public policies based on premises of the current (Neo)Constitutional State model and the assertion of an essentially constitutionalist Law paradigm from its genesis to its most peculiar elements, and through tormenting issues, such as: its position between Law and Politics, the difference with reflective subjective rights, and the problem of high financial costs. Once its object is identified, it moves forward into the theme itself, which is that of jurisdictional control, investigating its legitimacy based on paradigmatic judicial precedents and the facing of themes such as: current role of the Judicial Power, the splitting of state functions, administrative discretion, financial affordability, illegal omissions, and budget control. Finally, it examines, as its study central object, objective parameters for definition control, execution, and transparency of public policies, as well as identifying the most appropriate collective jurisdictional tutoring to its purposes together with some of its law process means. Therefrom, it shows new perspectives for the recent study on jurisdictional control of public policies, building foundations for the fundamental rights effectiveness
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In Brazil, social rights have always been considered secondary legal categories, whose implementation could wait for the pending of political decisions. At the end of the Second World War, International Law emphasizes the protection of human beings, raising his dignity as a legal pillar of the legal orders and one of the main foundations of Constitutions. At the post-positivism Constitutionalism, the realization of social rights receives special attention with the assumption of supremacy and normativity of the Constitutions, while the judiciary participates in the realization of democracy, not only as applicator of laws, but also as the guardian of constitutionality of the acts and administrative omissions, creatively contributing to the constitutional achievement, filling gaps and normative state omissions. In this aspect, the supply of medicines, whose costs can not be supported by the individual, keep a close connection with the right to life, health and dignity of the human being, as the subject of numerous lawsuits directed against the Public Administration. Such phenomenon has caused intense debate regarding judicial activism and legitimacy of these decisions, particularly on the need to define what are the limits and possibilities considering the principle of separation of powers and the principle of reserve of the possible; bieng this the problematic developed in this research. Thus, this research aims to verify the legitimacy of judicial decisions that determines to the Public Administration the compulsory providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of their treatment, as well as, contribute to the dogmatic constructions of parameters to be observed by judicial interference. Regarding the methodology, this research has an investigative and descriptive caracter and an theoretical approach based on bibliographical data collection (judicial and doutrine decisions) that received qualitative treatment and dialectical approach. As a result, it is known that the judicial decision that determines the supply of medicines to those individuals who can not afford them with their own resources is legitimate and complies with the democratic principle, not violating the principle of separation of powers and the reserve of the possible, since the judicial decison is not stripped with an uniform and reasonable criteria, failing to contain high burden of subjectivism and witch signifies a possible exacerbation of functions by the judiciary, suffering, in this case, of requirement of legal certainty. It is concluded that the Court decision that determines the government the providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of treatment should be based on parameters such as: the protection of human dignity and the minimum existencial principle, the inafastable jurisdiction principle; compliance critique of the possible reserve principle; subsidiarity of judicial intervention; proportionality (quantitative and qualitative) in the content of the decision; the questioning about the reasons for non-delivery of the drug through administrative via; and, finally, the attention not to turn the judiciary into a mere production factor of the pharmaceutical industry, contributing to the cartelization of the right to health
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The Liberal Constitutionalism emerged from the late eighteenth century, a period of major revolutions (French and American), fruit of the struggle for libertarian rights. Although the time of the first written constitutions, these were linked to mere political letters, did not provide for fundamental human rights, as it is, so only on the state organization, structure of powers, division of powers of the state and some relations between state and individuals. There was a clear division between the civil codes and constitutions, those governing private relations and acted as barriers to non-state intervention. After the Second World War, the constitutions are no longer Letters political order to establish how the human person, in order to enshrine the fundamental rights, the primacy of constitutional principles and take their normative function against ordinary legislator. Constitutional evolution gave the name of contemporary constitutionalism, based on repersonalization or despatrimonialização of Private Law, ceasing the separation of legislative civil codes and constitutions, in favor of the protection of fundamental rights of the human person. And this tendency to the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988 brought higher ground the dignity of the human person, the epicenter axiological legal to govern private relations, including family law. The constitutionalization of family law motivates the adoption of desjudicialização family issues, so as to respect the direio intimacy, privacy, private autonomy and access to justice. Conflictual family relationships require special treatment, given the diversity and dynamism of their new compositions. The break in the family relationship is guided in varied feelings among its members in order to hinder an end harmonic. Thus, the judiciary, through performances impositive, not to honor the power of decision of the parties, as also on the structural problems faced to operate on these cases, the environment is not the most appropriate to offer answers to the end of family quarrels. Situation that causes future demands on the dissatisfaction of the parties with the result. Before the development of the Family Law comes the need to adopt legal institutions, which monitor the socio-cultural, and that promote an effective assistance to people involved in this kind of conflict. In obedience to the private autonomy, before manifestations of volunteers involved in family mediation, among autocompositivos instruments of conflict resolution, is indicated as the most shaped the treatment of family quarrels. Remaining, then the state a minimal intervention to prevent excessive intrusion into private life and personal privacy
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Considering that the Jesuitical tradition which Father Samuel Fritz belonged, has a clear political and institutional dimension that reveals itself in the missionary initiative placed since the Trento Council, his journal is a experience story as missionary at Maynás region during the period from 1686 until 1725. In his narrative, a series of data related to the conquer of Amazonia, conflicts among the Iberic Kingdoms and french, dutches and british, transformation of culture and space close the period of the Madrid Deal. I´ll explore the men and space relationship, in this case, the missionary in his special practice, therefore an effective and geometrical politic for border control was only applied at 1750 with reformist governments and that Amazônia was, until now, an object of autonomous initiatives, not being until now a priority focused state politics action like the ones in the central regions (silver mines) and that the missionary action of Samuel Fritz represented ant that moment represented the most important border advance to the Spanish Kingdom, coinciding with the end of the borders previously set in Madrid and Santo Idelfonso, I´ll put the question of how and with which politics the experience of Fritz in Maynás could represent an advance about Amazônia space. Then I´ll approach the problem about three aspects that are chapters: The first one was focused to the Iberic Kingdoms atlantic politics and the internal geopolitical relationships they created as the centre and the border emerging a new order; in the second chapter I studied the special transformation cause by the encounter and conflicts between the Indian and European order generating a new organization; in the third chapter I´ll examined the political border of the state and the emergency of the missionary body as an institution, with the tradition and missionary action as support, or not, to the exploration of the east border of Spanish America influencing the delimitation process of the border between Portugal and Spain
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In contemporaneousness watches in Brazil the emergence of a "new" relationship between State and society based on partnership, which will allow the growing playacting organizations "non-profit" and "public interest" in the management of social public policies. In that sense, as part of a logic of global restructuring of the Capital, under the aegis of the neoliberal project, starting from the years of 1990, an administration model is had in favor of the market that looks for to minimize the actions of the State, reinforcing the outsourcing of the social public politics, and consequently, debilitating rights legally conquered. In that way, with this study it was pursued as general objective to apprehend the actions developed by Non-governmental Organizations NGOs in the child's area and of the adolescent in Natal / RN, verifying in that measured, these contribute to the warranty of rights or they reproduce practices of welfare work, and as specific objectives: to identify the group of the actions developed by NGOs in the child's area and of the adolescent in Natal / RN; to analyze the practice of NGOs of the point of view of the human resources, of the administration, of the financing, of the user's participation in the decision processes, as well as the quality of the services and the continuity of the actions of these organizations; and to apprehend the relationship between the researched organizations and users in the process of implantation of the actions, in order to identify the perspective that guide the practice of NGOs is going in the direction of contributing in the warranty of rights or in the reinforcement to the welfare work. In summary the results showed two trends in the actions of the NGOs, in the direction of the provision of services, which still unfurls in two perspectives of handouts. The other trend will give priority to the defense of rights of children and adolescents, with actions of political impact strengthen the promotion of public policies state, thus contributing to guarantee rights
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From the 1980s, with technological development, globalization, and in a context of increasingly urgent demands, there is an international movement to modernize the state structures. Being driven by the victory of conservative governments in Britain and the U.S., this speech reform comes only to Brazil in the 1990s, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Thus, in view of the recent movement of states to implement this reform agenda in their structures this research was to identify the elements that made it possible to attempt to modernize the administrative structure of the state of Piauí in 2003, in view of the political and administrative career in which the state was entered. Seeking to clarify the problem studied here, through a case study carried out a descriptive and exploratory, using a technique of gathering data to document research and interviews semi-structured. As the lens of analysis for this study used the neo-historical and sociological institutionalism, through which it sought to identify the critical moment in which they gave the Administrative Reform of Piaui, the process of breaking with the political and administrative career that previously had being followed, and the isomorphic mechanisms that enabled this speech reform comes up to this state, mechanisms that allow the homogenization of the organizational field. In general it appears that the search for new patterns and new technologies for management by the states in Brazil is due to the context of fiscal crisis in which the states were entered, forcing them to seek alternative models of management . The process of diffusion of New Public Management agenda for the states became possible, among other factors, due to the new scenario in which was inserted into the Brazilian federal system in the second half of the 1990s, characterized by a greater articulation between the horizontalstates, where through the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change was made possible by the absorption of the speech states reformer of the 1990s. However, due to the specificities of each region is given the experiences state unevenly. In the case of Piauí Administrative Reform only became possible due to the rearrangement of political forces in the state and the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change, which allowed, in 2003, the state government to absorb the speech reformer
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As complexas e polêmicas questões relativas a formulação, implementação e avaliação de políticas públicas para a educação no Brasil, nas últimas décadas, vêm sendo objeto de importantes estudos e pesquisas. Como resultado, tem-se acumulado significativo corpo de conhecimentos a esse respeito, o que propicia avanços no debate e possibilita novos estudos e pesquisas a respeito de aspectos cada vez mais específicos da temática. Com o objetivo de contribuir para esse debate, apresentam-se neste artigo conjecturas a respeito da relação entre setores públicos estatais decorrente especificamente do novo tipo de parceria entre órgãos públicos do Estado e docentes pesquisadores das universidades públicas para formulação, implementação e avaliação de políticas públicas para a alfabetização, iniciada na década de 1980 e enfatizada a partir da década de 1990, com a reforma do Estado brasileiro.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)