372 resultados para Remainders (Estates)


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What does it mean to be white and working class in modern Britain? The Joseph Rowntree Foundation’s studies of traditionally white estates in Bradford, London, Coventry and Birmingham are part of a growing body of research into ‘white identities’. This paper: • identifies common findings from JRF research into traditionally white estates, in the context of other similar work; • suggests how issues of white identity can be better understood and makes recommendations for policy and practice. Key points: • Profound economic and social change has increased isolation and fear in traditionally white estates. Residents often claim that things were better in the past. • ‘Estatism’ refers to specific social dynamics associated with council estates and prejudice towards residents based on where they live. This can result in lowered self-esteem and reluctance to participate in community campaigns. • People on traditionally white estates often feel they are not listened to by outside agencies. Consultations can raise hopes but ultimately reinforce disengagement. Initiatives to ensure equality have become associated with political correctness (‘PC’). • White working-class people feel they are bound by values of hard work, reciprocity and support. They are frustrated by the closure and lack of access to community facilities. The social class system simultaneously disadvantages the working class while giving advantage to other classes. • There is a strong desire for allocation of resources to be fair, with a widespread perception that minorities are given preference. Blaming incomers for decline is common, with the target of blame differing between sites. Participants did not want to be considered racist and felt that labelling ideas as racist prevents discussion. Similarly, the term ‘PC’ can also be used to shut down debate. • Recommendations include community-twinning, new ways of accessing local authorities, involvement from the private sector in disadvantaged areas and local panels to define and develop the ‘Big Society’. Initiatives aimed solely at white working-class people are unlikely to be successful.

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The machinery of governance to address climate change at the sub-national level in England continues to evolve. Drawing on documentary evidence and the views of civil servants and local authority officials from the English West Midlands, this article explores the process through an examination of the inclusion of climate change indicators in the recent round of Local Area Agreements (LAAs), negotiated between central government and local authorities and Local Strategic Partnerships. Considerable popularity has been accorded these indicators nationally, but there are important variations in the pattern of take up. Moreover, significant uncertainties surround the contribution of local measures to reduce CO2 emissions and the targets attached to measures to adapt to climate change are seen as undemanding. Conversely, the impending Carbon Reduction Commitment will act as a powerful incentive for public bodies to cut CO2 emissions from their estates. Although potentially contributing to greater coherence in tackling climate change, achieving collective action through LAAs will prove problematic.

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Abstract.The algorithms for computation of minimal supported set of solutions for systems of linear Diophantine homogeneous equations over set of natural numbers and basis of systems of linear Diophantine homogeneous and inhomogeneous equations in ring and field of remainders on modulo of a number.

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Given the polynomials f, g ∈ Z[x] of degrees n, m, respectively, with n > m, three new, and easy to understand methods — along with the more efficient variants of the last two of them — are presented for the computation of their subresultant polynomial remainder sequence (prs). All three methods evaluate a single determinant (subresultant) of an appropriate sub-matrix of sylvester1, Sylvester’s widely known and used matrix of 1840 of dimension (m + n) × (m + n), in order to compute the correct sign of each polynomial in the sequence and — except for the second method — to force its coefficients to become subresultants. Of interest is the fact that only the first method uses pseudo remainders. The second method uses regular remainders and performs operations in Q[x], whereas the third one triangularizes sylvester2, Sylvester’s little known and hardly ever used matrix of 1853 of dimension 2n × 2n. All methods mentioned in this paper (along with their supporting functions) have been implemented in Sympy and can be downloaded from the link http://inf-server.inf.uth.gr/~akritas/publications/subresultants.py

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This work analyses the effects of form over the emergence of new patterns of use and occupation in public spaces of housing estates designed in the 1980s and 1990s in Natal’s municipality (Brazil). We start from the premise that form acts on social process (HILLIER; HANSON, 1984), and verify how much the original spatial configuration of Parque Serrambi housing states contributed to the creation of new spatial patterns following the interventions of the people living there. The Serrambi states were built in Natal’s south based on an urbanization model following modernist’s principals and aimed to supply demands for popular dwellings. They were one of the last estates financed by the former National Dwelling Bank (BNH) and supervised by the Dwelling Cooperatives Orientation Institute (INOCOOP), materialized a spatial form different from the highrise dwelling experiences from the same period. The results were obtained through configurational analysis based on Space Syntax conceptual and methodological framework, in which space and society are viewed as interrelated. The analyses was based on represanting and quantifying spatial properties and identificatying social patterns related to the interventions. We identified that the original spatial configurations, associated to subtle changes in the states social patterns, analysed independently of non-morphological categories, gave way to the occupation patterns verrified in both Serrambi cases.

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Quién Es, Quién Somos? Spic’ing into Existence claims a four-fold close-reading: first, analysis of texts: from theoretical meditations to (prison) memoir and film. Second, a half dozen central figures appear, largely Latinx and black American. They cut across a score of registers, socio-economics, ideological reservations, but all are, as Carl Carlton sang, poetry in motion. Writers, poets, theologians, pathologists, artists, comedians, actors, students whose vocation is invocation, the inner surge of their calling. Third, the manuscript draws from a series of historical moments—from radical liberation of the late 60s, to contemporary student activism. Finally, this body of work is movement, in all its social, gestural, and kinesthetic viscera. From this last heading, we peel away layers of what I call the ethnopoet, the fascia undoing that reveals its bio-political anatomy, dressing its bare life with kinship speech. First, the social revolutions of the Civil Rights, Black Power, abolitionism, the Black Panthers and Young Lords, boycotts and jarring artistic performances. These events are superficial not in vain sense, but key epicenters of underground murmurings, the workings of a cunning assailant. She robs not lavish estates, but another day to breathe. Gesturally, as perhaps the interlocutor, lies this author, interspersing his own diatribes to conjure her presence. The final branch is admittedly the most intangible. Kinesthetically, we map the nimbleness, footwork lígera of what I call the ethnopoet. Ethnopoet is no mere aggregate of ethnicity and poetry, but like chemical reaction, the descriptor for its behavior under certain pressures, temperatures, and elements. Elusive and resisting confinement, and therefore definition, the ethnopoet is a shapeshifting figure of how racialized bodies [people of color] respond to hegemonic powers. She is, at bottom, however, a native translator, the plural-lensed subject whose loyalty is only to the imagination of a different world, one whose survival is not contingent upon her exploitation. The native translator’s constant re-calibrations of oppressive power apparatuses seem taxing at best, and near-impossible, at worst. To effectively navigate through these polarized loci, she must identify ideologies that in turn seek “affective liberatory sances” in relation to the dominant social order (43). In a kind of performative contradiction, she must marshall the knowledge necessary to “break with ideology” while speaking within it. Chicana Studies scholar, Chela Sandoval, describes this dual movement as “meta-ideologizing”: the appropriation of hegemonic ideological forms in order to transform them (82). Nuestros padres se subieron encima de La Bestia, y por eso somos pasageros a ese tren. Y ya, dentro su pansa, tenemos que ser vigilantes cuando plantamos las bombas. In Methodology of the Oppressed, Sandoval schematizes this oppositional consciousness around five principle categories: “equal rights,” “revolutionary,” “supremacist,” “separatist,” and “differential.” Taken by themselves, the first four modes appear mutually exclusive, incapable of occupying the same plane, until a fifth pillar emerges. Cinematographic in nature, differential consciousness, as Sandoval defines it, is “a kinetic motion that maneuvers, poetically transfigures, and orchestrates while demanding alienation, perversion, and reformation in both spectators and practitioners” (44). For Sandoval, then, differential consciousness is a methodology that privileges an incredible sense mobility, one reaching artistic sensibilities. Our fourth and final analytic of movement serves an apt example of this dual meaning. Lexically speaking, ‘movement’ may be regarded as a political mobilization of aggrieved populations (through sustained efforts), or the process of moving objects (people or otherwise) from one location to another. Praxis-wise, it is both action and ideal, content and form. Thus, an ethnic poetics must be regarded less as a series of stanzas, shortened lyric, or even arrangement of language, but as a lens through which peripheralized peoples kaleidecope ideological positions in an “original, eccentric, and queer sight” (43). Taking note of the advantages of postponing identifications, the thesis stands its ground on the term ethnopoet. Its abstraction is not dewey-eyed philosophy, but an anticipation of poetic justice, of what’s to come from callused hands. This thesis is divided into 7.5 chapters. The first maps out the ethnopoet’s cartographies of struggle. By revisiting that alleged Tío Tomas, Richard Rodriguez, we unearth the tensions that negatively, deny citizenship to one silo, but on the flipside, engender manifold ways of seeing, hearing, and moving . The second, through George Jackson’s prison memoirs, pans out from this ethnography of power, groping for an apparatus that feigns an impervious prestige: ‘the aesthetic regime of coercion.’ In half-way cut, the thesis sidesteps to spic into existence, formally announcing, through Aime Cesaire, myself, and Pedro Pietri, the poeticization of trauma. Such uplift denies New Age transcendence of self, but a rehearsal of our entrapment in these mortal envelopes. Thirdly, conscious of the bleeding ethnic body, we cut open the incipient corpse to observe her pathologist. Her native autopsies offer the ethnic body’s posthumous recognition, the ethnopoetics ability to speak for and through the dead. Chapter five examines prolific black artists—Beyonce and Kendrick Lamar—to elide the circumvention of their consumption via invoking radical black hi/her-stories, ones fragmenting the black body. Sixth, the paper compares the Black Power Salute of the 1968 Mexico City Olympics to Duke’s Mi Gente Boycott of their Latino Student Recruitment Weekend. Both wielded “silent gestures,” that shrewdly interfered with white noise of numbed negligence. Finally, ‘taking the mask off’ that are her functionalities, the CODA expounds on ethnopoet’s interiority, particularly after the rapid re-calibration of her politics. Through a rerun of El Chavo del Ocho, one of Mexican television’s most cherished shows, we tune into the heart-breaking indigence of barrio residents, only to marvel at the power of humor to, as Friday’s John Witherspoon put it, “fight another day.” This thesis is the tip of my tongue. Y por una vez, déjala que cante.

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This work studies the creation, development and evolution of the Spanish midshipmen, through their requirements, from the early 18th century to the second third of the 19th century. The aims are: to know deeply an essential post in the Navy –naval cadet- that still requires an exhaustive review; and, primarily, to link the transformations of the candidates’ requirements to the social debates which were proposed in Spain during this two centuries. The so-called transition from the estates society to the class society, or the step from a society of inheriting criteria to a society based on achieving variables, did not occur linearly; changes and inertia went hand in hand with contradictions and conflicts, thus in this paper the Spanish midshipmen are analysed by several relationally variables.

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El presente trabajo analiza la evolución del señorío eclesiástico en el largo plazo, para sumar al conocimiento de las formas señoriales de la Extremadura leonesa. Consideramos específicamente el caso del cabildo catedralicio salmantino entre los siglos XII y XV. Buscamos demostrar que no poseyó idéntica estructura durante todo el período y que sus transformaciones se explican por una compleja conjunción de variables. Dichas transformaciones incidieron sobre las estructuras sociales del agro, en especial sobre el desarrollo de procesos de diferenciación social campesina. Demostramos que la forma concreta en que se realizaba la renta podía alterar las estructuras sociales de las comunidades y que el desarrollo de las relaciones sociales asalariadas se encontraba muy vinculado a las coyunturas económicas y a las posibilidades y límites de la gestión señorial. Finalmente, ponemos de relieve que la transformación social no siempre fue irreversible y que su consolidación dependió de la incapacidad de los señores de ejercer sus poderes políticos.

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This Bill marks the first occasion on which the British legislature proposed to confer upon authors a lifetime interest in their literary works (with an additional eleven year post-mortem term vesting in their estates), as well as limited rights of translation and abridgement. In addition the draft legislation proposed to render null and void any contract purporting to assign an author's rights to another for a period of longer than ten years.
The commentary describes the background to the Bill, and in particular the attempts of the London book trade to secure more extensive legislative protection in both 1735 and 1737. It argues that the 1737 Bill is significant precisely because it was never made into law, and because it did not suit the best interests of the metropolitan booksellers. Instead, the book trade increasingly turned to the courts to further secure their commercial interests, giving rise to what is commonly referred to as the ‘battle of the booksellers' throughout the next 40 years.

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La introducción de ajustes razonables para facilitar la accesibilidad universal en los edificios de vivienda ha adquirido una gran relevancia desde la publicación de la Ley 8/2013 de 26 de Junio de rehabilitación, regeneración y renovación urbanas. La complejidad y coste de estos procesos no es fácil de conjugar con la atención a las necesidades funcionales y dimensionales que las personas con discapacidad y otros colectivos con limitaciones requieren. En este artículo se aborda este dilema y se aplica para el caso de la rehabilitación accesible de viviendas del Barrio Montserrat de Terrassa, Barcelona, representativo de tantos polígonos residenciales y obreros construidos en los años 50, 60 y 70 en España.

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Brazilian Housing policy has always promoted homeownership. In 1999, a new form of housing promotion was set up in the country with the PAR (Programa de Arrendamento Residencial, or residential rental programme). This is a sort of leasing, in which a right to buy is granted at the end of contract. Again, with this, the final objective is homeownership. This dissertation aims at further understanding the role of PAR in the wake of the country s housing policies of the post-BNH period, analysing the case of João Pessoa, capital city of Paraíba state. By focusing in the city, it has been possible to analyse also the impact of the programme in the dynamics of the city s urban development. Accordingly, the analysis of PAR seeks to understand the programme s operational aspects as well as its location, urban and architectural aspects. The operational aspects refer to how the programme is operated, considering the differences to the other housing programmes in the country. The urban and architectural aspects refer to location, typology and construction characteristics of housing estates produced under the scheme. This study gives a general view of the country s recent housing policy and programmes and the specific characteristics of PAR, observing also its impacts in the city development

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This work analyzes the reutilization of real estate of patrimonial interest, come back toward habitation. One understands as real estate of patrimonial interest the old ones that present relevant architectural typologies that must be preserved; some buildings that represent characteristic architectural styles of a determined period; some valued real estates for the history of the city (historical, memory and image signification that has of certain places) and buildings with exceptional artistic elements. In short, real estate of patrimonial interest. The place or site to be studied will be the neighborhood of the Ribeira, because is an area that protects a bigger interest for the historic patrimony of the city. The habitation use was thought as a booster element of revitalization processes of degradable historic site, contributing to the preservation of artistic, architectural and historic patrimony, and thus to stimulate the accomplishment of the re-qualification of the neighborhood of the Ribeira. It is intended with the present study to examine alternatives to make possible habitation re (uses) in the historical quarter of the Ribeira in old constructions of patrimonial value

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Earlier histories of the Scottish parliament have been somewhat constitutional in emphasis and have been exceedingly critical of what was understood to be parliament's subservience to the crown. Estimates by constitutional historians of the extreme weakness of parliament rested on an assessment of the constitutional system. The argument was that many of its features were not consistent with a reasonably strong parliament. Because the 'constitution' is apparently fragmented, with active roles played by bodies such as the lords of articles, the general council and the convention of estates, each apparently suggesting that parliament was inadequate, historians have sometimes failed to appreciate the positive role played by the estates in the conduct of national affairs. The thesis begins with a discussion of the reliability of the printed text of APS and proceeds to an examination of selected aspects of the work of parliament in a period from c 1424-c 1625. The belief of constitutional historians such as Rait that conditions In Scotland proved unfavourable to the interests and. effectiveness of parliament in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, is also examined. Chapter 1 concludes that APS is a less than reliable text, particularly for the reign of James I. Numerous statutes were excluded from the printed text and they are offered below for the first time. These statutes have been a useful addition to our understanding of the reign of James I. Chapter 2 analyses the motives behind the schemes for shire representation and concludes that neither constitutional theory nor political opportunism explains the support which James I and James VI gave to these measures. Both these monarchs were motivated by the realisation that their particular ambitions were dependent on winning the support of the estates whose ranks should include representatives from the shires. Chapter 3 examines the method of electing the lords of articles, the composition of this committee, and some aspects of its operation. The conclusion is that in the main the estates were the deciding force in the choice of the lords of articles. The committee's composition was more a reflection of a desire for a balance between representatives from north and south of the Forth and for the most important burghs and clergy to be selected than an attempt at electing government favourites. The articles did exercise a significant control over the items which came before parliament but this control was not absolute and applied to government as well as private legislation. Chapter 4 questions the traditional view that the general council and convention of estates were the same body. It is argued that they were two different institutions with different powers, but that they nevertheless worked within certain limits and were careful not to usurp the authority of parliament. Chapter 5 concedes that taxation was sometimes decided outside parliament; that the irregularity of taxation certainly weakened the bargaining power of the estates and that the latter did not appear to capitalise on these occasions when taxation was an issue. But the tendency was to ensure that, whether in or out of parliament, the decision to impose taxation was taken by a large number of each estate. The infrequency of taxation was a direct consequence of an unwillingness among the estates to agree to a regular taxation and their preference to ensure for the crown an alternative source of income. Moreover taxation was one issue, which more than any other, would be subject to contentious opposition by the estates, and could lead to the crown's defeat. Chapter 6 is concerned with ecclesiastical representation after the Reformation and the church's attitudes to the possibility of ministerial representation. Some ministers had doctrinal misgivings but the majority came to believe that the church's absence from parliament bad severely reduced. the influence of the church. That no agreement was forthcoming on a system of ministerial representation, particularly after 1597, is attributable to the estates' unwillingness to compromise and, not to the strength of opposition in the church. Chapter 7 examines the institutions which are sometime seen as 'rivals' of parliament and concludes that institutions such as the privy council were generally very careful in matters which needed the approval of parliament, and seemed aware of the greater authority of parliament. Chapter 8 which illustrates how parliament had the right to be consulted in all important matters of state, brings together the main points of the earlier chapters and offers further illustrations of the essential role which parliament played in the conduct of national affairs. Whether or not the system can be regarded as constitutionally sound, the estates in Scotland could observe parliament's day-to-day operation with some satisfaction. All in all, there is little convincing evidence that parliament was as weak as some historians would have us believe.

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Dans cet article, je tente de montrer comment, à travers l’Inquisition, s’est joué un conflit sourd pour la terre qui a permis la création d’une nouvelle noblesse de service. Cette création s’apparente à une forme de surclassement" de certains lignages, qui est allé de pair avec un "déclassement" inversement proportionnel de familles conversas. Les deux thèmes que j’aborde sont les enjeux de la spéculation immobilière qui se joue autour de la vente des biens urbains confisqués et ceux de la constitution de fiefs dans la promotion de certains lignages, en particulier de celui des Enríquez de Ribera, à la tête du marquesado de Tarifa, puis ducado de Alcalá. Le but fut de permettre la promotion fulgurante et solide d’un lignage, c’est l’évidence, mais par-delà le cas particulier, l’arrière-plan foncier et économique de la distribution de la terre et le pouvoir qui en découle engagent, à un moment déterminé, une transformation sociale qui change profondément la donne au XVIe siècle.

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Este trabajo es el resultado de un detallado estudio acerca del modo como la justicia e institución inquisitorial consiguieron penetrar en los espacios propios de la jurisdicción señorial de Monarquía Hispánica durante el siglo XVII. Para realizar este análisis se ha tomado como objeto de estudio el ducado y la villa de Pastrana, situados en la Alcarria. Los protagonistas de esta compleja problemática estudiada fueron los grupos de portugueses que se asentaron en el territorio de este señorío y en su villa principal a lo largo de los siglos XVI y XVII, los cuales participaron en su vida social, económica y política de manera muy intensa. Su papel en la dinamización y organización interna de este espacio señorial fue notable. La acusación de judaísmo contra algunos de estos portugueses y el procesamiento inquisitorial al que fueron sometidos nos permite ver algunos aspectos fundamentales de esta interesante cuestión.