930 resultados para Fundamental rights. Protection principle. Dignity


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This study has as a goal to establish a relationship between public sidewalk characteristics of Lagoa Nova District (neighborhood), in Natal and the kind of citizens whose constructions and maintenance layouts reflects. It‟s understood here as public sidewalk, specifically, the place reserved for passers-by traffic, located between public lots and vehicles pavements. It‟s a concern to make a brief survey about the occupation of this particular region and a detailed description over physical characteristic of its sidewalks that shows several obstacles for passers-by accessibility, trying to find possible factors that explain the problematic format , once, at the first sight, most of accessibility of passers-by is compromised. It‟ also, searched, local population thoughts regarding occupation notions about this environment, just like as cultural, political and economical aspects that might influence upon snatching these hybrid places located between private and public border line. It‟s confirmed that the nowadays sidewalks‟ shapes is not only citizenship reflection or a lack of it but shows it as an active agent related with the construction of this set of fundamental rights and duties vital for harmonical co-living local citizens

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The work presented here is about aspects of the constitutional extension in which is the public civil action with the objective of verifying its aptitute in tutelaging subjective situations derived from fundamental rights, especially right to health assistance. Thus, it offers a clear analysis of the practical functioning of most aspects of the public civil action (lawsuit), with philosophical foundation and necessary doctrinaire to your comphehension. How it once was (history), how it could be (reform suggestion), how it is (current interpretation of the law) and how it should be (critic analysis of the microsystem of collective tutelaging of rights, its perspectives, as well as the efficacy of the public cilvil action about accomplishment of the right to health as supraindividual right). The objective is to analyse the main version of the theme (for instance: the impacts caused to the dissociation of the Procurations theory), so that it can be extracted the philosophy and the general theory, of the public civil action and collective tutelaging in general, pragmatically applicable to study purposes. With this theorical fountain, the reader will be in a more solid position, not only being able to understand the subtilities of the public civil action, but mainly being able to recognize its faults and present solid reform proposals and improvement. It is know that the Juridical Power (Procuration) does not allow any more inactivity about negating accession to health in its collective dimension (lato sensu: spread, collective stricto sensu and homogeneous individuals), being imputed to it novel usage that consolidates in the assumption of the role instrument set aside to be used by all with organized instancy of solution to collective conflicts in large sense. This happens, overall, because of the current justice politization, understood as juridical activism, connected to the struggle between the groups defending their interests and the acceptance of the constitution about solidifying the public politics of quality health

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It is a fact that the fundamental rights of citizens are being recognized and guaranteed by the state over time, regardless of the belief that if these rights has always been part of the heritage of subjective individuals, or whether they will be aggregated during the course of human history. In that, emerged the rights of freedom of men and, subsequently, the rights to create a situation of equality between the humans, the so-called social rights. In turn, as these rights known as social, to be implemented, need a positive action by the state, more precisely by the state power whose function is to manage public money and create policies for implementation of fundamental rights. Given this, pay attention to the right to health, was created the Programa de Medicamentos de Dispensação Excepcional, which aims to provide high-cost medicines to citizens Brazilian carriers of serious diseases, such as Alzheimer's and Mal Hepatitis C. Also on the program, it provides a way which will be mandatory that the drugs will be offered in such situations, and does not include a means of updating the list predicted able to monitor the progress of medicine that have been in the interest of the program. Given that, at present it is necessary to mention the recognition of another fundamental right: the right to development, which is the right of access to positive actions being implemented by the State, which are nothing more than public policy, gender which the Programa de Medicamentos de Dispensação Excepcional is kind. Thus, through the search in legislation and doctrine in relation to the theme, this work has the aim to examine the extent of the state to provide exceptional dispensing of medicines. Specifically, if the State in attention to the right to development and the implementation of the right to health, can really list exhaustively the drugs to be provided by the State, and what are the elements guiding this choice and how to control the same

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This dissertation focus, as main objective, to address the issue of fundamental rights and political freedoms of the individuals, guaranteed by the Constitution of 1988, with emphasis of study in the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, as well as in national related constitutional law institutions and its derivatives, and the connection with the historical and political affirmation of fundamental human rights and its importance for the construction, maintenance and consolidation of constitutional democracy in the Federative Republic of Brazil. This paper mainly deals with aspects of juspostive nature, focused mainly within its doctrinal aspect, making, for such, references both to the patrian doctrine and the foreign one, without forgetting the necessary jurisprudencial focus and analysis of the positive patrian planning with references to comparative law, in order to describe and analyze the emergence, evolution and dissemination of the institute, both in the major countries of the Western World and along the Brazilian constitutional history.

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The research arose from the necessity of showing ways to be followed by the actors of the System Guaranteeing Rights of the Child and Adolescent (SGD), regarding the implementation of rights for young people, because the legislation in force in Brazil is currently considered a model around the world and, paradoxically, the fundamental rights of children and adolescents are not met, even with the constitutionally guaranteed priority. Thus, the study investigates the fundamentality rights for young people, enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic, as well as the ways of effectiveness of these rights through the actions of actors of the System Guaranteeing Rights, especially the judiciary. Focusing realized, studying theories of fundamental rights, especially Structuring a Theory of Law (Strukturiende Rechtslehre), Friedrich Müller, who emphasizes the need for analysis of social reality in the application of the rule of law. Study also the public budget and public policies concerning children and adolescents, with emphasis on preparation of budget laws and the process of discussion, deliberation, choice and implementation of public policies for children and teenagers. It then presents the typical functions of the members of System Guaranteeing Rights, as well as prepare a plan for optimum performance for each of the actors, with emphasis on analysis of the implementation of public policies at the municipal level. Finally, it analyzes the theory of separation of three powers, and discusses the positive and negative factors for judicial intervention, concluding that the Courts can consider the action activist, from finding the omission of the Executive and legislative branches, as regards the implementation of the rights of children and adolescents, as well as the rights of children and young people are not realized in most cases, due to the omission of actors of the System Guaranteeing Rights

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This paper analyzes the relationship between fundamental rights and the exercise of the claim punitive society in a democratic state. It starts with the premise that there are fundamental rights that limit and determine the validity of all forms of manifestation of the claim punitive society (legislating, investigative, adjudicative or ministerial) and there are others that require the state the right exercise, fast and effective of these activities. Travels to history in order to see that the first meaning of these rights was built between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, after all a history of abuses committed by state agents in the exercise of criminal justice, and positively valued in the declarations of human rights and proclaimed in the constitutions after the American and French Revolutions, while the second meaning has been assigned between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when, because of the serious social problems generated largely by absenteeism state, it was noted that in addition to subjective rights the individual against the state, fundamental rights are also objective values, which trigger an order directed the state to protect them against the action of the offending individuals themselves (duty to protect), the mission of which the State seeks to discharge, among other means, through the issue of legal rules typifying the behavior detrimental to such rights, subject to penalties, and the concrete actions of public institutions created by the Constitution to operate penal law. Under this double bias, it is argued that the rule violates the Constitution in the exercise of the claim punitive society as much as by excess malfere fundamental rights that limit, as when it allows facts wrong by offending fundamental rights, remain unpunished either by inaction or by insufficient measures taken abstractly or concretely provided

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The research aims to analyze the reasons and the unique role of prosecutors in the promotion of public policies. The opening lines deal with the evolution and expansion of the general theory of the fundamental rights in the international and national levels and that have led to the creation of a welfare state concerned with carrying out positive actions which aim at the community well-being. Thus, it is clear that, after the uneven development of the Brazilian democracy, the Constitution of 1988 not only has erected to a state socially responsible, but also built a system of guarantees which highlights the significant expansion of the Powers of the Public Ministry and has now taken an outstanding position in regard to collective rights, allowing, at the same time, its members to perform the syndication of state actions, particularly public policies, correcting the course of these administrative processes in the presence of poor management and inactivity of the public administrator when acting in defense of fundamental rights. This ministerial activism, even facing the obstacles and boundaries submitted to its pursuit, has shown an increase in actions that culminated, in the last ten years, in a significant number of judicial and extrajudicial measures that indicated the correction of public policies and actions in areas of health, education, housing and the environment. In this process of monitoring and doing, the important role of the other social characters is highlighted, especially the one of the citizen who is responsible for most of the complaints that start the initiatives of the Public Ministry and that can be deployed through a significant list of judicial and extrajudicial instruments, especially the important procedure that allows the hearing and participation of the involved in the implementation of public policies, enabling a collective even a consensual solution of the matter generated among the Public Administration. Given these initiatives, the ministerial activism has established itself as a movement of its own characteristics, aimed to guarantee the fundamental rights, especially when these are not targeted by state actions that should contribute to the achievement of the democratic state of law idealized by the Federal Constitution without any distortion of direction. Nevertheless, this activism still seeks for its full accomplishment in the practical world

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This paper focuses on a study of public policy jurisdictional control as some effectiveness mechanism for cultural, economical, and social fundamental rights. It investigates the juridical profile of public policies based on premises of the current (Neo)Constitutional State model and the assertion of an essentially constitutionalist Law paradigm from its genesis to its most peculiar elements, and through tormenting issues, such as: its position between Law and Politics, the difference with reflective subjective rights, and the problem of high financial costs. Once its object is identified, it moves forward into the theme itself, which is that of jurisdictional control, investigating its legitimacy based on paradigmatic judicial precedents and the facing of themes such as: current role of the Judicial Power, the splitting of state functions, administrative discretion, financial affordability, illegal omissions, and budget control. Finally, it examines, as its study central object, objective parameters for definition control, execution, and transparency of public policies, as well as identifying the most appropriate collective jurisdictional tutoring to its purposes together with some of its law process means. Therefrom, it shows new perspectives for the recent study on jurisdictional control of public policies, building foundations for the fundamental rights effectiveness

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The independence of the United States and the revolutions that emerged in Europe in the eighteenth century led to the birth of the written constitution, with a mission to limit the power of the State and to ensure fundamental rights to citizens. Thus, the Constitution has become the norm and ultimate founding of the State. Because of this superiority felt the need to protect her, emerging from that constitutional jurisdiction, taking control of constitutionality of provisions his main instrument. In Brazil, the constitutionality control began with the Constitution of 1891, when "imported" the American model, which is named after incidental diffuse model of judicial review. Indeed, allowed that any judge or court could declare the unconstitutionality of the law or normative act in a concrete case. However, the Brazilian Constituent did not bring the U.S. Institute of stare decisis, by which the precedents of higher courts eventually link the below. Because of this lack, each tribunal Brazilian freely decide about the constitutionality of a rule, so that the decision took effect only between the parties to the dispute. This prompted the emergence of conflicting decisions between judicantes organs, which ultimately undermine legal certainty and the image of the judiciary. As a solution to the problem, was incorporated from the 1934 Constitution to rule that the Senate would suspend the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. With the introduction of abstract control of constitutionality, since 1965, the Supreme Court went on to also have the power to declare the invalidity of the provision unconstitutional, effectively against all without the need for the participation of the Senate. However, it remained the view that in case the Supreme Court declared the unconstitutionality of the fuzzy control law by the Senate would continue with the competence to suspend the law unconstitutional, thus the decision of the Praetorium Exalted restricted parties. The 1988 Constitution strengthened the abstract control expanding legitimized the Declaratory Action of Unconstitutionality and creating new mechanisms of abstract control. Adding to this, the Constitutional Amendment. No. 45/2004 brought the requirement of general repercussion and created the Office of Binding Precedent, both to be applied by the Supreme Court judgments in individual cases, thus causing an approximation between the control abstract and concrete constitutional. Saw themselves so that the Supreme Court, to be the guardian of the Constitution, its action should be directed to the trial of issues of public interest. In this new reality, it becomes more necessary the participation of the Senate to the law declared unconstitutional in fuzzy control by the Supreme Court can reach everyone, because such an interpretation has become obsolete. So, to adapt it to this reality, such a rule must be read in the sense that the Senate give publicity to the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, since mutated constitutional