O CAMINHO DO CORDEIRO: REPRESENTAÇÃO E CONSTRUÇÃO DE IDENTIDADE EM APOCALIPSE 14.1-5

Ao analisar Apocalipse 14.1-5, esta pesquisa encontrou afirmações que parecem representar a identidade de João e sua audiência, bem como a forma como eles concebiam o mundo. Nos seus elementos litúrgicos, estas pessoas se viam como sacerdotes de Deus, membros do seu reino, participantes do seu culto celestial e com dignidade exa ltada como a dos anjos do céu. Alguns elementos identitários, entretanto, não são compartilhados plenamente entre João e suas comunidades. O autor de Apocalipse possui altas demandas ascéticas e sectárias que o afastam não apenas da sociedade mais ampla, mas de qualquer irmão que tenha uma posição divergente. Ele enxerga o mundo mergulhado num conflito entre o Dragão e o Cordeiro, conflito esse que será vencido com a participação de 144.000 guerreiros através da prática do martírio. Esta tradição da guerra santa insere no Apocalipse o potencial de isolar sectariamente a audiência da sociedade e de outros grupos religiosos.(AU)

QUEM FINANCIA A BAIXARIA É CONTRA A CIDADANIA : Análise Da Campanha Pela Qualidade Da Televisão (2002 A 2006)

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa a Campanha Quem Financia a Baixaria é Contra a Cidadania , no período de 2002 a 2006. A pesquisa examina as estratégias da Campanha que tem por objetivo a valorização dos direitos humanos e a dignidade do cidadão nos programas de televisão. Observa sua forma de organização, mobilização social e influência na melhoria da qualidade da programação televisiva. Discute o papel do Estado e os limites da fiscalização. Investiga, ainda, a repercussão da Campanha nas ações dos poderes constituídos: Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. Trata-se de um Estudo de Caso de natureza qualitativa. As estratégias de comunicação e as ações da Campanha mobilizaram a sociedade civil, a mídia e o Ministério Público a favor da qualidade da programação. Patrocinadores foram convencidos a não associarem suas marcas a programas de qualidade duvidosa. Emissoras de televisão aberta foram punidas e até mesmo obrigadas a substituir programas de baixa qualidade por programas independentes selecionados pelo Coletivo Intervozes. Em cinco anos de atuação, a Campanha gerou quase 30 mil denúncias contra a baixaria na TV e provocou a mudança da Classificação Indicativa para programas de televisão com a edição da Portaria 264/07 do Ministério da Justiça, publicada no dia 12 de fevereiro de 2007. A nova Portaria estabelece regras mais rígidas para o setor, com critérios já adotados em outros países e vem provocando reações dos empresários de televisão. Finalmente, a pesquisa demonstrou a dificuldade de diálogo entre os diferentes setores da sociedade civil com os empresários de televisão e o Ministério das Comunicações. Revela, ainda, que o controle social da TV aberta é necessário para garantir a qualidade da programação na televisão e que a mobilização social, quando organizada, produz resultados em benefício do interesse público.(AU)

(In)VERSÕES POLÍTICO-ESCATOLÓGICAS NO PENTECOSTALISMO BRASILEIRO Uma análise da posição e ação política das Assembleias de Deus de 1930-1945 e 1978-1988 a partir do jornal Mensageiro da Paz

A presente pesquisa analisou a posição e ação política nas Assembleias de Deus do Brasil nos períodos 1930-1945 e 1978-1988. Defendemos a tese de que desde 1930 há no interior do pentecostalismo brasileiro posições e intervenções no mundo da política. Tanto no período de 1930-1945 como o de 1978-1988 nossas análises serão realizadas a partir das temporalidades discutidas por Giorgio Agamben: chronos, aiôn e kairos. No que diz respeito ao primeiro período 1930-1945, as pesquisas quase sempre vinculam o discurso escatológico do pentecostalismo a processos de alienação e não envolvimento com a política partidária. Entretanto, acredita-se que as narrativas escatológicas não foram causa de certo afastamento da esfera pública brasileira, mas sim efeito de processos de exclusão aos quais homens e mulheres de pertença pentecostal estiveram circunscritos. Doutrinas como a escatologia e a pneumatologia foram potencializadoras de processos que aqui denominamos de biopotência. Já no segundo período, de 1978-1988, a posição e a ação política que predominaram no pentecostalismo estiveram relacionadas com a biopolítica. Chamamos de capítulo intermedário ou de transição o período correspondente às datas 1946-1977. Nele descreveremos e analisaremos personalidades pentecostais de destaque no campo da política brasileira. Metodologicamente, fizemos nossa análise a partir de artigos publicados no órgão oficial de comunicação da denominação religiosa em questão, o jornal Mensageiro da Paz. Esse periódico circula desde 1930. Além dos artigos, destacamos também as autoras e os autores, todas elas e todos eles figuras de destaque no assembleianismo. Ao longo da pesquisa questionamos a ideia do apoliticismo pentecostal. Defendemos a tese de que desde 1930, que é o início de nossa pesquisa, há posição e ação política nas Assembleias de Deus. Como resultado disso, questionamos a ideia do apoliticismo pentecostal. Nossa hipótese é de que no período 1930-1945 o pentecostalismo foi um polo de biopotência. Se a biopolítica é o poder sobre a vida, a biopotência é o poder da vida. Doutrinas como a escatologia e pneumatologia contribuíram para que nos espaços marginais onde se reuniam os pentecostais fossem criados novos modelos de sociabilidade e de cooperação; eram também espaços de criação de outras narrativas e de crítica a modelos hegemônicos e excludentes. O pentecostalismo foi um movimento que promoveu a dignidade humana de sujeitos subalternos.

A negociação coletiva como instrumento de efetividade do direito fundamental à igualdade

Equality as a principle and as a legal rule, integrates brazilian constitutional order since the Constitution of 1891, constituting the target always be sought, built and promoted by the state and society as a whole. Also e xs urgem for protection of equality and non - discrimination, declarations and international treaties, mostly ratified by Brazil. The international protection of human beings with intrinsic value began in the UN Declaration of 1948, which declared the equality of all men in rights and dignity, followed by more specific international documents, in a growing movement of ratification of international standards protection of human rights occurs after the atrocities during the Second World War. Within the Internation al Labour Organisation (ILO), the theme of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships integrates one of its main conventions, to No. 111, ratified by Brazil since 1965, which aims to eliminate discrimination in respect of employment and oc cupation. In this context, lies the collective bargaining work, with her normative instruments arising from the collective agreement and the agreement recognized constitutionally and with full ability to create and establish standards and conditions for de tails of suitable work for each occupational category and economic having the unions the power and duty to use them as a means of effecting the postulates of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships, filling gaps in state law and / or su pplementing it, molding them to existing events in the capital - job. Driven by greater freedom contained in the Constitution of 1988, trading, and with it, the private collective autonomy, in fact, have included the issue of equality and the right to differ ence between clauses created, scheduled to affirmative action and sealing exclusionary conduct, and reported some positive outcomes, such as greater diversity in work and training followed by admission of persons with disabilities environment. These attitu des of union entities and employers should be broadened because corroborate the fulfillment of constitutional requirements for compliance with the international declarations, adapting them to the reality of labor relations and contributing to the construct ion of equality in the pursuit of social justice with the recognition of the right to be different with respect to the inherent dignity of the human condition.

A interpretação constitucional dos princípios da afetividade e solidariedade familiar pelos tribunais superiores brasileiros

The Brazilian juridical ordain has suffered several transformations on Family Law as of the 1988 Federal Constitution, which incorporated the changes in socio-cultural values and behaviors that appeared in the post-modern Brazilian society, with the repersonalization of the family, beginning with the principles of human dignity, affectivity and familiar solidarity; occurring an enlargement of the concept of family, increasing the relevance of socioaffectivity and eudaimonia. The general purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the constitutional interpretations of paradigmatic cases of the Brazilian Superior Courts checking the conditions and behaviors required to achieve the principles of affectivity and familiar solidarity. To do so, uses an exploratory and descriptive research trough books, scientific papers, jurisprudence, monographs and consult to specialized magazines to identify the reasons and specific purposes of the principles of affectivity and family solidarity within the constitutional norms, systematizing the primary meaning of these principles, then to observe the trial of patriotic courts, the criteria and standards of behavior used in their application. The analysis of recent decisions of the Supreme Federal Court and the Superior Court of Justice on the topic of the familiar relations, utilizing the new interpretative approach to the law that considers man as an ontological being of language, demonstrate that the affectivity and familiar solidarity are constitutional principles concretized in decisions, that don’t affect the principle of protection of the juridical security, that is, don’t cause uncertainty despite the incipient specification of criteria to its use

A cidadania no contexto do estado constitucional democrático de direito brasileiro

The citizenship is a fundamental category to the democratic progress and the development and concretization of human rights, in addition to being one of the essential foundations of democratic contextualized in the rule of law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. That’s exactly why the discussion about its concept and content is a paramount requirement to the understanding and interpretation-application-concretization of the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as its democracy, since there is no democracy without citizenship. That is why the general objective of the research is to determine the characteristics of the citizenship, relating it to the Law, as well as to discuss (critically) its inclusion in the list of fundamental rights and delimitate the scope of protection and the limits of this right, in the context of Brazilian law post-1988 Constitution. The specific objectives are: a) to analyze the concept of citizenship, its extent and scope, contextualizing it historically; b) to examine the evolution of the legal and regulatory treatment of the citizenship in Brazilian constitutions, focusing on the 1988 Constitution; c) assess whether citizenship can be considered a fundamental right; d) to investigate which implications, theoretical and practical, of assignment fundamentality character to the right to citizenship. This research identifies and deconstructs current conceptual confusions, such as the lack of distinction between citizenship and nationality; citizenship and electoral capacity; citizenship and person. It also helps to identify and oppose the generalizations, as well as the excessively abstract associations which tend to purely metaphysical understandings, fluid and empty of any content. The main virtue, however, is the proposed of understanding of the citizenship as a fundamental right and the examination of the relationship between citizenship and human dignity. In this context, citizenship appears as a corollary of human dignity and it goes beyond. This (human dignity) requires equality, non-arbitraries, non-excessive, disproportionate or unreasonable impositions affecting their freedom rights, and, yet, doesn’t affect a minimum core of possibilities of have to a decent life, in conditions of freedom and self-conformation involved in the necessary consideration of the individual as a subject. All of this requires a decision-making process, molded by the citizenship, which reaches the entire development process of possible state interventions, to ensure the person as a subject, the right holder and the objective point of reference of the juridical relations. Thus, the citizenship represents a substantial and beneficial addition to the human dignity, since the emancipated citizen is a person, formally and materially, qualified, to be able to build their own and collectively organized history, to participate effectively in the making processes decision juridical and social

Universalização do acesso à saúde e regulação dos planos privados de assistência à saúde: a atuação regulatória da ANS como instrumento de harmonia contratual e viabilização do papel suplementar da iniciativa privada na efetivação do direito social à saúde

While essential to human nature, health and life have been protected since ancient times by various areas of knowledge, particularly by the Law, given its dynamics within the regulation of social interactions. In Brazil, health has been granted major importance by the Federal Constitution of 1988, which, disrupting the dictatorial authoritarianism, inaugurating a Social State and focusing on the values of freedom and human dignity, raises health to the condition of a social right, marked predominantly by an obligational bias directed, primarily, to the State, through the enforcement of public policies. Although, given the limitation of the State action to the reserve for contingencies, it turns clear that an universalizing access to public health is impossible, seen that the high cost of medical provisions hinders the State to meet all the health needs of the rightholders. As a result of the inefficiency of the State, the effort of the Constituent Assembly of 1988 in creating a hybrid health system becomes nuclear, which, marked by the possibility of exploration of healthcare by the private initiative, assigns to the private enterprise a key role in supplementing the public health system, especially through the offer of health insurance plans. At this point, however, it becomes clear that health provisions rendered by the private agents are not unlimited, which involves discussions about services and procedures that should be excluded from the contractual coverage, for purposes of sectoral balance, situation which draws the indispensability of deliberations between Fundamental Rights on one hand, related to the protection of health and life, and contractual principles on the other hand, connected to the primacy of private autonomy. At this point, the importance of the regulation undertaken by the ANS, Brazilian National Health Agency, appears primordial, which, by means of its seized broad functions, considerable autonomy and technical discretion, has conditions to implement an effective control towards the harmonization of the regulatory triangle, the stability and development of the supplementary health system and, consequently, towards the universalization of the right to health, within constitutional contours. According to this, the present essay, resorting to a broad legislative, doctrinal and jurisprudential study, concludes that economic regulation over the private healthcare sector, when legitimately undertaken, provides progress and stability to the intervening segment and, besides, turns healthcare universalization feasible, in a way that it can not be replaced efficiently by any other State function.

Travestis na atenção primária: o cuidado em saúde na cidade de Natal

Among the deviant a heteronormative ideal, transvestites are the ones that suffer abuse and discrimination. Have been found that health services often present themselves as places that maintains and reproduce such discrimination, which makes transvestites only sought medical care in the latter case. Based on the guidelines of the SUS and the National Humanization Policy as well as the inclusion and leadership of the users, we conducted a qualitative study seeking to understand the experience of transvestites in seeking health care within primary care in Natal-RN. We use as techno-methodological instruments in depth interview and workshop with use of "scenes". For interpretative analysis of the narratives we use to Hermeneutics-Dialectic. From the dialogue with the narrative we come to the following themes: 1) Understanding the meaning of being a transvestite; 2) The experience transvestite in search of health; 3) Transvestites and humanized health care. In the first point they reveal the daily struggle of transvestites between prejudice and the search for respect, as well as the meanings of being a transvestite, who appeared as: Being gay, being feminine, not transsexual and accept themselves as they are. In the second axis, expressed difficulties in access to and use of health services: the embarrassment by not using the social name; fear of going out during the day; the association of transvestites to HIV; and pain caused by discrimination from health professionals. It was also possible to identify simple demands such as illnesses from day to day, the demand for hormone therapy, which involves treatment needs as well as the vital need to have their rights XVII respected. The third axis, for the range of a humanized care identified that the respectful gaze guarantee their dignity and their right to health in a humane way, but it identified some necessary changes: Training of professionals, dialogue with the social movement, publicity campaigns and rapprochement with the transvestite. Finally, it is expected that the research will contribute to the field of knowledge know-how in health care transvestites, inside and outside of the university

Os efeitos do reconhecimento da diversidade sexual como um direito humano pelo sistema interamericano de proteção

La diversidad sexual emerge en las Américas como una de las cuestiones más importantes en relación con la protección y promoción de los derechos humanos. A partir de la democratización de la mayor parte de los Estados Sudamericanos en los años 80, se ha iniciado una discusión acerca de la ampliación del concepto de igualdad con el fin de introducir el derecho a la diferencia como otra expresión de la dignidad de la persona humana, cuyos estudios fueron encabezado de lo que se llamaba La hermenéutica de la Diversidad. En este escenario, el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos aparece como el principal responsable por el proceso de reconocimiento de la diversidad sexual como un derecho humano, lo que permite la asignación de temas tales como la sexualidad y el género en la agenda de los principales órganos regionales de protección de derechos humanos, así como en la agenda de algunos Estados, que por su promoción de políticas de diversidad han llegado a ser considerados empresarios normativos en relación con el libre ejercicio de la sexualidad humana. En este sentido, se pretende con esta tesis analizar el proceso de reconocimiento de la diversidad sexual como un derecho humano en el marco del sistema interamericano de protección, comprobando el potencial normativo de Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay con respecto a la adopción de normas internas promoción de la diversidad sexual. También tenemos la intención de analizar la norma internacional llamada Convención Interamericana contra todas las formas de discriminación e intolerancia como el primer tratado producido por el sistema interamericano para la protección de la sexualidad como un derecho digno de protección. La investigación ha demostrado que después de la posición adoptada por la Comisión y la Corte Interamericana respecto al ejercicio de la sexualidad, países como Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay promovieron un progreso significativo en el campo de las libertades individuales y en el campo de las políticas públicas de asignación de la sexualidad como un derecho que necesita de una protección efectiva del Estado

“Currículo encarnado”: cartografia simbólica e afinidades pós-coloniais

This thesis has as main objective to reflect about the defining conceptual elements of the embodied curriculum concept, ident ified curriculum conception from the analysis about the rationality employed in the doctoral work of teacher Antonio Fernando Gouvê a da Silva, entitled The construction of the curriculum in popular critical perspective: the significant words to the context ualized practices , written and defended in the Postgraduate Program in Education: Curriculum, in the Pontifícia Catholic University of São Paulo, in 2004. We looked, also, on the problematization of the affinities between postcolonial theories – analytical perspectives towards the discussion about coloniality and their effect on contemporary social weaving – and the embodied curriculum concept. We argue that the reflections present in the aforementioned work bring an articulated curriculum concept based on three conceptual symbiotic elements, namely: negativity, dialogue and praxis, which, by endorsing the possibility of a curricular ingrained practice in the life context of the individuals, have some post - colonial inclinations that lead to the problematizat ion about the neo - colonial manifestations in curricular sphere, outlining a critique of the modus operandi of the colonialism, particularly, in its cultural and epistemic dimension from which the education is inseparable. For that, we used as methodologica l procedure the symbolic cartography, knowledge building strategy systematized by Boaventura de Sousa Santos, which allowed us to construct interpretive maps that enabled the symbolization of the universe which we longed to understand, that is, the concept ual categories mentioned above, which, in our view, underlie the concept of embodied curriculum. In this direction, we anchored ourselves in a meaningful dialogue with the theoretical approach of Paulo Freire and some of his interpreters regarding the disc ussion on curriculum, especially the reflections dev eloped by Antonio Fernando Gouvê a da Silva, and authors whose theoretical developments resonate in prospects for humanization, social justice and empowerment, among which we highlight: Theodor Adorno, Hug o Zemelman, Wilfred Carr, Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez, among others. We seek, in the same manner, on the contributions of authors considered post - colonial, as Hugo Achugar, Gayatri Spivak, Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Enrique Dussel, to name a few, the reason s why we consider the embodied curriculum as a place of political - pedagogical enunciation, conducive to an educational praxis that engages in a curricular work of reality translation in order to see what overwhelms it to, then, elicit the construction of a school curriculum as an awareness project for releasing in relation to what is unjust and inhumane. We consider, finally, that the success of this curriculum embodied translation implies a larger number of speakers mobilized in the production of knowledge that yearns for social emancipation and contribute to the enrichment of human capabilities as the maintenance of the life and the dignity of people.

Sobre o problema da mentira na filosofia prática de Kant

The research examines the problem lie in the thought of Immanuel Kant. This field of law, of the history of political morality, we seek to investigate the Kantian rejection of falsehood and unconditional obligation to be truthful. Defends the thesis of the exception to lie and not be objectionable in two cases, namely: the torture and before the murderer. Thus, it is demonstrated that it is possible the exception to lie under the law, politics and history, considering the perspective of harmony of external freedoms and the idea of moral progress. In this sense, it is argued that the source of law is established to guarantee the external freedoms. From the point of view of morality, reaffirmed the absoluteness is that for Kant the duty of veracity, but it points to the possibility of a practical rule that allows the lie based on human dignity, weighting values as political equality, respect for rational agents, as well as the principle of humanity which teaches always treat the other as an end in itself.

Assédio moral na administração pública e a responsabilidade civil do estado

The social and economic changes of the last decades have enhanced the dehumanization of labor relations and the deterioration of the work environment, by the adoption of management models that foster competitiveness and maximum productivity, making it susceptible to the practice of workplace bullying. Also called mobbing, bullying can occur through actions, omissions, gestures, words, writings, always with the intention of attacking the self-esteem of the victim and destroy it psychologically. In the public sector, where relations based on hierarchy prevail, and where the functional stability makes it difficult to punish the aggressor, bullying reaches more serious connotations, with severe consequences to the victim. The Federal Constitution of 1988, by inserting the Human Dignity as a fundamental principle of the Republic, the ruler of the entire legal system, sought the enforcement of fundamental rights, through the protection of honor and image of the individual, and ensuring reparation for moral and material damage resulting from its violation. Therefore, easy to conclude that the practice of moral violence violates fundamental rights of individuals, notably the employee's personality rights. This paper therefore seeked to analyze the phenomenon of bullying in the workplace, with emphasis on the harassment practiced in the public sector as well as the possibility of state liability for harassment committed by its agents. From a theoretical and descriptive methodology, this work intended to study the constitutional, infra and international rules that protect workers against this practice, emphasizing on the fundamental rights violated. With this research, it was found that doctrine and jurisprudence converge to the possibility of state objective liability for damage caused by its agents harassers, not forgetting the possibility of regressive action against the responsible agent, as well as its criminal and administrative accountability.

Criminalização do porte de drogas para consumo pessoal: uma perspectiva jurídico-constitucional

This dissertation has the main objective to assess the legal and constitutional legitimacy of the legislative state act that criminalizes the conduct of carrying drugs for own consumption - in the case of Brazil, art. 28 of the Federal Law n.º 11.343 of August 23rd, 2006. Therefore, it is done, initially, a contextualization, pointing the main regulatory frameworks, internal and external, of what is conventionally called prohibition in the matter of drugs, as well as the different species of liberalizing initiatives today on an upward trend in the international scenario. Then analyzes the state intervention in question in the light of references of human dignity, freedom and privacy, emphasizing, in the point, among other contributions, the various precedents of foreign constitutional jurisdiction over the theme. Immediately thereafter, confronts the policy in screen with what is perhaps, these days, the main control mechanism of the restrictive measures of fundamental rights, namely the proportionality test, here represented by classical elements of appropriateness, necessity and proportionality in the strict sense. After that, it examines the criminalization on the agenda before the parameter of equality and the general interests of health and public safety. Based on theory and empirical enrolled in the development, it is concluded, finally, the unconstitutionality of the option of the ordinary legislature to impose criminal penalties on users - problematic or not - of substances or products capable of causing physical or psychological dependence.

A crise de legitimidade na democracia representativa e o desatendimento aos direitos fundamentais: um enfoque participativo-educacional

This study aims to bring reflection on the legitimacy crisis of the Brazilian representative democracy, which results in non-attendance of fundamental rights, regarding legal and social facts in light of the existing constitutional order and seeking solutions in more democratic procedures and in a more humane, critical, democratic and collaborative education. It has been an issue for some time the understanding that the authorities do not meet the basic needs of Brazilian citizens - the only way to make them autonomous and sufficiently able to conduct their lives in a competitive and globalized labor market. Such situation only worsened - as illustrated by the social movements in mid-2013 - when people took to the streets, showing a noticeable dissatisfaction with public services in general, and some other groups presenting specific complaints in those events. To find solutions or at least suggestions for the reflection of the problem found, a current approach to public authorities was necessary attempting to reveal how the constitutional order authorizes their operation and how - in fact - they act. In this endeavour, the legitimacy of power was discussed, involving the analysis of its origin, to whom it belongs and the legitimacy of deficit situations, concluding that it is only justified as it gets more democratic influence, with greater participation of people in its deliberations and decisions, with its plurality and complexity. Research carried out by official institutions was necessary to have evidence of the low level of social development of the country and the nonattendance of minimum basic rights, as well as exposure to various acts and omissions which show that all public authorities do not legitimately represent the people's interests. The competence of the Supreme Court to establish the broader scope of the remuneration policy in the public service received proper attention, presenting itself as an effective means to promote the reduction of the remuneration and structural inequality in public service and contributing to better care of fundamental rights. Also, considerations were made about the Decree 8243/2014, which established the National Policy for Social Participation (NPSP) and the National System of Social Participation (NSSP) and took other measures with the suggestion of its expansion into the legislative and judiciary powers as a way to legitimize the Brazilian democracy, considering its current stage. In conclusion, it is presented the idea expressed by the most influential and modern pedagogical trends for the creation of a participatory, solidary, non-hierarchical and critical culture since the childhood stage. This idea focuses on the resolution of questions addressed to the common good, which considers the complexity and the existing pluralism in society with a view to constant knowledge update. Knowledge update is in turn dynamic and requires such action, instilling - for the future generations - the idea that the creation of a more participatory and collaborative democracy is needed to reduce social inequality as a way to legitimize and promote social welfare, with the implementation of a policy devoted to meet the minimum fundamental rights to ensure dignity to the population.

Análise da atuação do Ministério Público Estadual na assistência materno infantil do Rio Grande do Norte

Maternal and infant mortality have become a serious public health problem in Brazil, especially in northeasternand northern regions.In RioGrande do Norte, the high rates ofdeathsofmothersandbabies haveconcerned not onlythehealthauthorities andjusticeagenciessuch as the prosecution service. In 2011, State Public Ministry (MPE) has developed a proposition which was called “Nascer com Dignidade”, focused on the monitoring ofcare givenin prenatal, childbirth andpost childbirthin the cities. The aim of thisstudy was toinvestigate how the intervention of MPE works in maternal and child care. The method adopted to survey data was the case study by analyzing the skills of the reports which were carried out in four of the eight Public Health Regional Units (URSAP).A total of 26municipalities were chosenand the results showfragilityparticularly inprenatal care which can result in complicationsin childbirthand postpartumlike:incomplete health family teams(in05cities), lack of access orinaccessibility to laboratory tests(16 cities) and lack of the pregnant woman'sattachment to thebirthing place(in26 cities). Based on this reality, MPE has adopted relevant attitudes as filing public civil suits, compliance of Conduct Adjustment Declaration in the municipal management and performing interventions in heath care centers and maternity clinics of the state. Thereforeit is known thatPublic Ministryis of paramount importanceto indicatethe necessaryadjustmentsto addressinfant and maternalmortalityin the state (mean of 65/100,000 and16/100,000respectively) and give the city hall the responsibility for the health care quality provided to their citizens. These factors demand theprinciples ofuniversality and integrality to be performed in order to reduce social inequities.