Motion compensation with minimal residue dispersion matching criteria

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Tecnoloigia, 2016.

Precatórios da Justiça Federal no Orçamento da União de 2014 : diagnóstico sobre composição, distribuição, custo, origem e duração processual

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração, Mestrado Profissional em Administração, 2015.

Precatórios da Justiça Federal no Orçamento da União de 2014 : diagnóstico sobre composição, distribuição, custo, origem e duração processual

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração, Mestrado Profissional em Administração, 2015.

Orthopaedic anaesthesia for upper extremity procedures in a Nigerian hospital

Background General anaesthesia and regional anaesthesia have been used successfully for upper extremity orthopaedic procedures. Despite the advantages of regional anaesthesia, there is low utilisation in Nigeria. In this study, we assessed the types of anaesthesia employed for upper extremity surgeries in our centre. Methods After obtaining approval from the institutional ethics committee, all the patients who had upper extremity surgeries from 1 January 2011 to 31 December 2012 were included in this review. Both prospective and retrospective data were gathered. The choice of anaesthesia was at the discretion of the attending anaesthetist. Results A total of 226 patients with a male-to-female ratio of 1.6:1 and median age of 35.0 (range 2 – 89) years, had orthopaedic upper extremity procedures during the study period. Sixty-three cases (27.9%) had general anaesthesia, 5 (2.2%) combined regional and general anaesthesia while 158 (69.9%) had regional blocks. The regional blocks comprised 145 (89%) different approaches to the brachial plexus and 18 (11%) local anaesthetic infiltrations. The arm was the site mostly operated upon; while supraclavicular and axillary brachial plexus blocks were performed in equal amounts. In 14 (6.2%) patients, brachial plexus blocks were performed with spinal anaesthesia because of concomitant iliac crest bone grafts. While the duration of surgery did not differ significantly, regional anaesthesia provided a significantly longer duration of anaesthesia than general anaesthesia (251 ± 70.8 min versus 141.3 ± 65.5 min; p = 0.0000001). Conclusion There is a high use of regional anaesthesia for upper extremity orthopaedic surgeries in our centre, which is a positive development in a resource limited setting.

Criminal Case Processing of Sexual Assaults in Alaska

Discretion plays a role in nearly every facet of the American criminal justice system. It is widely regarded as necessary to do justice but is not without criticisms – especially when it leads to unfavorable or disparate treatment. The role of discretion in sexual assault cases has been particularly scrutinized. Since the majority of sexual assaults do not fit stereotypic beliefs about what constitutes a “real rape” and “genuine victim,” criminal justice officials use their discretion to filter these cases out of the justice system. This study explored this issue by examining two stages of the criminal justice process: the police decision to refer cases for prosecution and the prosecutorial decision to accept referred cases. In doing so, it contributes to this body of literature in three ways. First, it included sexual assault cases that involve Alaska Native victims and suspects. Second, it addressed a gap in the theoretical scholarship by examining the downstream nature of police decision-making. And finally, it examined the formal reasons prosecutors give for charge dispositions. This study found a significant amount of attrition of sexual assault cases as they progressed through the criminal justice system. Moreover, a combination of legally relevant and extralegal factors was found to be important, but not consistently across all types of sexual assaults. Among legal factors, the number of victim injuries was the most consistent predictor. Among extralegal factors, cases that involved Alaska Native suspects had significantly higher odds of case referral and case acceptance compared to white suspects. The effect of suspect race was particularly pronounced in cases with a white victim. Additionally, the findings suggest that not only are Native American defendants more likely to have their cases referred by police, but once referred, they are also more likely to have them accepted for prosecution. Contrary to expectations, victim-suspect relationship, specifically non-stranger assaults, increased the odds of police referral compared to stranger cases. However, the opposite appears to be true for the decision to prosecute cases. Once referred, prosecutors were five times more likely to accept sexual assaults perpetrated by strangers. The implications of these findings are also discussed.

Espaços especiais em Natal (moradia e meio ambiente): um necessário diálogo entre direitos e espaços na perspectiva de proteção aos direitos fundamentais na cidade contemporânea

Some protected special spaces on behalf of fundamental rights to the environment and the housing at the city of Natal are fragile by facing actions and attempts to suppress and changing (or omission in the implementation) of standards in furtherance of those rights at the local level, which seems to reflect a situation that goes beyond the context of the city. Based on integrated approach of the housing rights and the environment and its protection of special spaces on the field of fundamental rights, the thesis seeks to understand the weaknesses that affect the legal state duty under the realization/implementation of fundamental rights to the environment and housing in cities, focusing on the issues of flexibility of the founding legislation of special spaces to the detriment of the attributes they protected and the lack of implementation of the legal system that allows their effectiveness. So, it looks initially to understand the environment and housing rights and their special protected areas in the brazilian legal system, looking forward the evolution of its legal protection, as well as the weaknesses that emerge in the field of their effectiveness. Analyzing the trajectory of the environment and housing rights and their special protected areas in Natal, considering its standards, attributes, protection indicators, weaknesses and negative evidence within its legal protections and their enforcement by state entity, this thesis proposes to verify the existence of forms to confronting the weaknesses founded in the maintenance of legal protection and its implementation. At this point it discusses the legal basis and safeguard instruments of protection, especially within the juridical field, as part of a (re)discussion about issues of legislative and administrative discretion in the face of objective legal state duty to realization/implementation of fundamental rights in the urban space. With all these issues together the thesis does not ignore the scenario where the dividing line between public and private (economic) are becoming ever more tenuous in the field of state action and where the city stands as a special commodity to the reproduction of real estate, according to the interests of capitalist logic

Uso de plantas medicinales por personas de sabiduría del cantón Sígsig. 2015

Antecedentes. El Cantón Sígsig es un ejemplo de la cultura y tradición andina, que utiliza las plantas medicinales para satisfacer las necesidades de salud de sus habitantes. Objetivo. Describir el uso de las plantas medicinales por personas de sabiduría del Cantón Sígsig en el año 2015. Material y Métodos. Es una investigación cualitativa narrativa, que comprende el estudio del uso de las plantas medicinales según los relatos de personas de sabiduría de la localidad. Se aplicó entrevistas, un grupo focal integrado por cuatro participantes e instrumentos como formularios, grabaciones y fotografías para no perder detalle de la riqueza de la información obtenida. Resultados. Las plantas medicinales se utilizan por las personas de sabiduría bien sea completas o por partes: raíz, tallo, hojas, flores, frutos; las más utilizadas fueron la raíz y las hojas. Según su criterio las clasifican como plantas frescas, entre las que se encuentran el clavel, toronjil, berro, llantén, duraznillo; y como cálidas: la valeriana, pampa poleo, manzanilla, entre otras. La técnica más común de preparación fue la infusión y la vía de administración oral fue la que utilizaron con mayor frecuencia. Conclusión. El presente estudio nos permitió valorar la riqueza de la sabiduría ancestral con las plantas medicinales. Nuestro conocimiento se fortaleció con estas valiosas experiencias, que si se complementaran con la medicina occidental, contribuirían a la salud de la población

Colonialidade do poder no direito e povos indígenas na América Latina: as faces da subordinação/dominação jurídica frente ao direito de retorno às terras ancestrais dos povos indígenas Kaiowá do Tekohá Laranjeira Ñande‘Rú no Brasil e Mapuche do Lof Temucuicui no Chile

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Comparados sobre as Américas, 2016.

Fatores influenciadores do comportamento de decisão e ação dos implementadores do serviço de Proteção e Atendimento Integral à Família (PAIF)

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração, 2016.

Building G20 outreach: The role of transnational policy networks in sustaining effective and legitimate summitry

G20 outreach processes, in the form of the Think 20, Labour 20, Business 20, and Civil 20, Youth 20, and Women 20, are a formal attempt by G20 leaders to engage various social sectors with G20 policymaking. This essay contends that G20 outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks, which are involved in widening the field of policy communication and deliberation. The importance of these transnational policy networks rest upon their role in developing and disseminating G20 policy priorities and principles; and are an attempt to enhance the legitimacy and influence of the G20 and its policy proposals.

"We agree that, in order to strengthen its ability to build and sustain the political consensus needed to respond to challenges, the G20 must remain efficient, transparent and accountable. To achieve this, we decide to … pursue consistent and effective engagement with non-members, regional and international organisations, including the United Nations, and other actors, and we welcome their contribution to our work as appropriate. We also encourage engagement with civil society.G20 Cannes Summit Final Declaration 2011 (G20 2011)"

The difficulty in balancing the effectiveness and representativeness of the Group of Twenty (G20) has led to sustained questions about its legitimacy (Cooper 2010; Rudd 2011; Cooper and Pouliot 2015). Consequently, while leaders have long sought external advice about the agendas of Group of Seven (G7) summits since 1975, and about the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors’ meetings (G20 FM/CBG) since 1999, there has been intensification, elaboration, and institutionalization of transnational networks of policymakers with respect to the G20 in recent years. These networks are especially evident in the form of the G20 working groups and G20 outreach processes involved in the G20 FM/CBG and the G20 leaders’ forum created in 2008.

G20 working groups include transgovernmental groups of government officials and outside experts within a specific policy area who are charged with preparing material for G20 deliberations. G20 outreach processes are a recent and more formal attempt by G20 leaders to engage various social sectors with the policymaking activity of the G20 and were first considered by the G20 membership in 2010 with a more formal engagement with business interests. This led to the formal development of G20 outreach groups in 2013 in the form of the Think 20 (think tanks), Labour 20, Business 20, Civil 20 and Youth 20, which include representatives from these sectors. In 2015, a Women 20 outreach group was also added. These outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks which have been built to support the G20’s capacity to be effective and legitimate.

This essay focuses on G20 outreach processes and examines why and how the G20 has sought to augment its intergovernmental summitry and transgovernmental working groups with transnational policy networks, purposely involving a range of societal interests. Transnational policy networks demonstrate the existence of policymaking practices which include the policy influence of experts and advocates outside government. These networks also indicate the ways in which governments, International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) and summits like the G20 engage society, or where elements of society engage themselves with the policymaking process (Stone 2008). These networks intersect with the intergovernmental activities of leaders and key diplomats, and overlap with the transgovernmental relationships of various levels of government bureaucrats (Baker 2009). One of the principle features of transnational policy networks is the way they create and channel the communication of political ideas and priorities. However, it is important to keep in the mind the purpose and power of actors involved in the network and consider who has the discretion and motivation to create the network in the first instance. As the G20 members stated in 2012, the aspiration for outreach is founded upon an intent to strengthen the G20’s capacity “to build and sustain the political consensus”. Consequently, it is important to consider how the development of transnational policy networks in the form of G20 outreach processes are able to sustain the effectiveness and legitimacy of the G20.

This essay contends that G20 outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks. These networks have been built to widen the field of policy communication and deliberation. Furthermore, these outreach processes and networks are an attempt to enhance the legitimacy and influence of the G20 and its policy proposals. While there is no doubt that outreach practices are “ad hoc responses to the widespread charge that the G20 reproduces the politics of exclusion in global governance” (Cooper and Pouliot 2015, 347), these practices have the potential to improve both the effectiveness and legitimacy of the G20. The G20 possesses uncertain legitimacy and members of the G20 demonstrate an awareness of this and a corresponding willingness to actively develop various political practices to support the capacity and legitimacy of the G20.

However, G20 outreach also enables the G20 to place some limit upon the policy narratives and ideas that develop within these policy networks. The G20 is liable to be misunderstood without examining the activity of these transnational networks because the G20 is fundamentally a deliberative policy forum rather than a negotiating forum of binding regulations. Transnational policy networks have the potential to scrutinize and amplify relevant policy ideas and thereby enhance the legitimacy of the G20 and strengthen the capacity of the G20 to address an array of global economic and social problems. However, while some narrative control is important to amplify the G20 agenda, too much narrative control will undermine its legitimacy and capacity to develop broad-based responses to global problems. This essay explores the formation of these transnational policy networks by first outlining the evolution of the purpose and configuration of the G20, then it considers the ways G20 outreach processes constitute transnational policy networks and why they have been established, and lastly, analyses how these networks operate to enhance the legitimacy and effectiveness of the G20.

Excessive criminal punishment amounts to punishing the innocent : an argument for taking the parsimony principle seriously

Punishing the innocent is incontestably repugnant. Punishing offenders more harshly than is justified is a form of punishing the innocent, yet this practice is commonplace in the United States. This Article sets out a normative argument in favor of less severe penalties for many forms of offenses. There is already an established principle, which limits punishment to the minimum amount of hardship that is required to achieve the objectives of sentencing. The principle is termed “parsimony” and is widely endorsed. Yet, in reality, it is illusory. It has no firm content and in its current form is logically and jurisprudentially incapable of grounding a persuasive argument for more lenient sentences. This Article gives content to the principle of parsimony. It is argued that application of the principle will result in a considerable reduction in the number of offenders who are sentenced to imprisonment and shorter sentences for many offenders who are jailed. The recommendations in this Article will enhance the fairness and transparency of the sentencing system. The argument is especially important at this point in history. The United States is experiencing an incarceration crisis. The principle of parsimony, properly applied, is an important key to ameliorating the incarceration problem. The Article also examines the operation of the parsimony principle in Australia. Unlike sentencing courts in the United States, Australian judges enjoy considerable discretion in sentencing offenders. Despite the vastly different approach to sentencing in Australia, it too is experiencing a considerable increase in the incarceration rate. It emerges that the courts in a tightly regimented sentencing regime (the United States) and a mainly discretionary system (Australia) effectively ignored the parsimony principle. It is not the strictures in the United States that curtail the imposition of parsimonious sentences; rather, it is the absence of a forceful rationale underpinning the principle and a lack of clarity regarding the attainable objectives of sentencing. This Article addresses these shortcomings. In doing so, it paves the way for fundamentally fairer sentencing outcomes in the United States and Australia.

The naming of child homicide offenders in England and Wales: the need for a change in law and practice

Judicial decisions about whether or not to publicly name child homicide offenders have long ani- mated debate in the United Kingdom and internationally. This article draws on case law and in- depth interviews conducted with members of the English criminal justice system to critically analyse the viability of current domestic legislation in the context of the UK’s international human rights obligations. The article identifies ambiguities surrounding the definition of ‘public interest’ in law; the merits of equating the naming of child offenders with open justice, accountability and transpar- ency; and the increasing sabotage of the principle of rehabilitation. By identifying the complexities of this contentious area of judicial discretion, this article highlights the need for a rights-based approach to decisions about publicly naming children in conflict with the law.

Victoria’s banning notice provisions: parliamentary, procedural and individual vulnerabilities

Purpose Alcohol-related disorder in Australia’s night-time economy has precipitated an expanding regulatory and legislative framework. A key feature is the growth of police-imposed discretionary justice, one example of which are Victoria’s banning provisions. Banning notices are imposed on-the-spot, may be issued pre-emptively, but permit no right of independent appeal. However, there has been little analysis of the enactment, implementation or use of police-imposed banning provisions. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

Design/methodology/approach This paper draws upon a detailed examination of the record of parliamentary debate of the banning notice legislation to document how the provisions, and their embedded procedural vulnerabilities, were legitimised. In addition, an analysis of Victoria Police data informs consideration of the ongoing scrutiny of the police power to ban.

FindingsThe absolute discretion afforded to police officers, and a lack of effective oversight, has created the potential for the disproportionate and discriminatory implementation of Victoria’s banning notice powers. The findings highlight procedural vulnerabilities within the provisions, and concern regarding the particular risk of banning notices for vulnerable recipients.

Research limitations/implications The nature of Victoria’s banning provisions created the circumstances for their inequitable imposition, but public scrutiny of their use and effect is limited. Omissions and deficiencies in the published data restricts meaningful analysis of how banning works in practice.

Originality/value The research underpinning this paper was the first detailed examination of the implementation and ongoing scrutiny of Victoria’s banning notice provisions. The findings presented in this paper highlight key procedural vulnerabilities resulting from the passage of the legislation and the absence of effective oversight.

Kommunala riktlinjer för anhöriganställningar : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys med feministisk teoriansats

Det övergripande syftet var att undersöka kommunala riktlinjer för anhöriganställningar tillgängliga på kommunernas hemsidor, dvs regeldokument gällande situationer där en anhörig anställs för att vårda en närstående. Det övergripande syftet har byggts upp utifrån följande tre frågeställningar angående hur kommunerna i Sverige beskriver: 1) vilka situationer som berättigar anhöriganställning, 2) hur det säkerställs att den äldre personen skall få sina behov tillgodosedda samt 3) hur säkerställs den anhöriganställdes rättigheter/välmående? Det saknas lagstöd för anhöriganställningar som rättighet, och det kommunala självstyret avgör om kommunen erbjuder denna omsorgsform. På senare tid har anhöriganställningar begränsats och förbjudits i flera svenska kommuner, och enligt uppgifter är det cirka 55–65 % av Sveriges kommuner som tillåter anhöriganställningar. Det är mestadels kvinnor med utländsk bakgrund som är anhöriganställda numera, och feministisk omsorgsforskning och media lyfter fram anhöriganställningar som en kvinnofälla och som en risk för integration av invandrare. I studien inkluderas riktlinjer från totalt 21 kommuner, vilka analyserades med kvalitativ innehållsanalys enligt Elo & Kyngäs (2007). De undersökta riktlinjerna hittades från hemsidorna för Sveriges 121 medelstora och stora kommuner (mer än 20 000 invånare). Resultatet har bearbetats med hjälp av feministisk teori (Hirdman 2012). Resultatet visar att det överlag finns få riktlinjer tillgängliga i Sveriges kommuner och att regelverken skiljer sig åt i de olika kommunerna.  I de riktlinjer som finns är ofta innehållet allmänna eller oklara beskrivningar. En slutsats är därför att många kommuner säkerställer sitt eget handlingsutrymme och ett tolkningsföreträde genom otydliga och allmänt hållna regler i sina riktlinjer. Utifrån ett feministiskt perspektiv kan dessa tolkningsföreträden skapa orättvisa strukturer och skillnader i förutsättningar och villkor för de äldre och för deras anhörigvårdare avseende anhöriganställningar. Slutligen visar resultatet på att de få detaljerade beskrivningarna prioriterar de äldres rättigheter framför de anhöriganställdas. Säkerställandet av de anhöriganställdas rättigheter beskrivs huvudsakligen att ske genom att kontrollera och styra de anhöriganställda. De anhöriganställda är ofta osynliga i riktlinjerna, betraktas som pseudoanställda och hamnar därför mellan stolarna vad gäller stödbehovet (Sand 2010).

Quality testing and product rationing by input suppliers

Quality testing by suppliers has significant ramifications for downstream supply chain participants and retail consumers. This article focuses on such implications accounting for the fact that suppliers often enjoy discretion in quality testing and reporting. Under a discretionary testing and reporting environment, we show that a supplier can improve the market's perception of product quality by engaging in self-imposed production cuts. Production cuts dampen supplier incentives to engage in excessive quality testing, putting the supplier and the market on a more equal information footing. This reduces the market's need to skeptically discount product quality to protect itself. The improved market perception, then, reduces quality testing demand, introducing cost savings. The result that costly production cuts can improve quality perceptions indicates that the groundwork for influencing market perceptions may have to be laid upfront, even prior to acquiring private information, providing a contrast to routine signaling models.