855 resultados para Afghan Wars


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Relatório da prática de ensino supervisionada, Mestrado em Ensino da História e da Geografia no 3º Ciclo do Ensino Básico e no Ensino Secundário, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

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António Dinis da Cruz e Silva, member of Arcádia Lusitana, the literary academy he helped to found, introduced the Pindaric ode to the Portuguese literature of the neoclassical period (18th century). This poet imitates the triadic form and the mythological nature of Pindar’s encomiastic poetry, in order to celebrate the deeds of reputed historical figures from the national context, such as sailors, captains, politicians, and even the king himself. As in Pindar’s poetry, the mythological excursus holds an important part in Cruz e Silva’s Pindaric poetry. Winners of athletic games are acclaimed through allusion to the ancient heroes. Likewise, the heroes of the Portuguese history see themselves turned into immortals, since their deeds are reported as comparatively greater than those of Homeric warriors. Among the 44 Cruz e Silva’s Pindaric odes, 18 rewrite the myth of the Trojan War, from its beginnings with Eris (Odes I-II) to its outcome with the imperishable fame of the most conspicuous Homeric fighters (Ode XLII). These 18 compositions (re)tell, in a neoclassical style, the main scenes and themes of the Iliad and Odyssey, alluding directly to their heroes’ deeds. Achilles’ wrath and Hector’s death are topics repeatedly brought up in Cruz e Silva’s Pindaric poetry as models of courage and patriotism for national heroes. This chapter offers a discussion of Cruz e Silva’s neoclassical representation of the Trojan War. To this effect, an interdisciplinary approach is adopted, showing how the Portuguese poet handles the mythological material from Homer and Pindar. In this way, he initiated in 18th-century Portuguese literature a new literary genre, the Pindaric ode. By dealing with Poetry and History, Cruz e Silva perpetuated the life and fame of national heroes long after their deaths.

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To what extent are democratic institutions resilient when nation states mobilise for war? Normative and empirical political theorists have long argued that wars strengthen the executive and threaten constitutional politics. In modern democracies, national assemblies are supposed to hold the executive to account by demanding explanations for events and policies; and by scrutinising, reviewing and, if necessary, revising legislative proposals intended to be binding on the host society or policies that have been implemented already. This article examines the extent to which the British and Australian parliaments and the United States Congress held their wartime executives to account during World War II. The research finds that under conditions approaching those of total war, these democratic institutions not only continued to exist, but also proved to be resilient in representing public concerns and holding their executives to account, however imperfectly and notwithstanding delegating huge powers. In consequence, executives—more so British and Australian ministers than President Roosevelt—were required to be placatory as institutional and political tensions within national assemblies and between assemblies and executives continued, and assemblies often asserted themselves. In short, even under the most onerous wartime conditions, democratic politics mattered and democratic institutions were resilient.

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It is a commonplace that the labour movement was somehow nurtured within the witness for liberty of the Free Churches. Exploring this at a range of levels - including organisation, rhetoric, policies, electoral politics and people - this book demonstrates the extent to which this remained a reality into the inter-war years. The distinctive religious setting in which it emerged indeed helps to explain the differences between Labour and more Marxist counterparts on the Continent. It is shown here that this setting continued to influence Labour approaches towards welfare, nationalisation and industrial relations between the wars. In the process Labour also adopted some of the righteousness of tone of the Free Churches. This setting was, however, changing. Dropping their traditional suspicion of the State, Nonconformists instead increasingly invested it with religious values, turning it through its growing welfare functions into the provider of practical Christianity. This nationalisation of religion continues to shape British attitudes to the welfare state as well as imposing narrowly utilitarian and material tests of relevance upon the churches and other social institutions. The elevation of the State was not, however, intended as an end in itself. What mattered were the social and individual outcomes. Socialism, for those Free Churchmen and women who helped to shape Labour in the early twentieth century, was about improving society as much as systems.

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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.

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Catastrophic events, such as wars and terrorist attacks, tornadoes and hurricanes, earthquakes, tsunamis, floods and landslides, are always accompanied by a large number of casualties. The size distribution of these casualties has separately been shown to follow approximate power law (PL) distributions. In this paper, we analyze the statistical distributions of the number of victims of catastrophic phenomena, in particular, terrorism, and find double PL behavior. This means that the data sets are better approximated by two PLs instead of a single one. We plot the PL parameters, corresponding to several events, and observe an interesting pattern in the charts, where the lines that connect each pair of points defining the double PLs are almost parallel to each other. A complementary data analysis is performed by means of the computation of the entropy. The results reveal relationships hidden in the data that may trigger a future comprehensive explanation of this type of phenomena.

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This paper analyzes the Portuguese short-run business cycles over the last 150 years and presents the multidimensional scaling (MDS) for visualizing the results. The analytical and numerical assessment of this long-run perspective reveals periods with close connections between the macroeconomic variables related to government accounts equilibrium, balance of payments equilibrium, and economic growth. The MDS method is adopted for a quantitative statistical analysis. In this way, similarity clusters of several historical periods emerge in the MDS maps, namely, in identifying similarities and dissimilarities that identify periods of prosperity and crises, growth, and stagnation. Such features are major aspects of collective national achievement, to which can be associated the impact of international problems such as the World Wars, the Great Depression, or the current global financial crisis, as well as national events in the context of broad political blueprints for the Portuguese society in the rising globalization process.

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Comunicação apresentada nos VIII Encontros Interdisciplinares da Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa subordinados ao tema As Ciências Sociais e Humanas no Século XXI, realizados em 3 a 4 de Dezembro de

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Catastrophic events, such as wars and terrorist attacks, big tornadoes and hurricanes, huge earthquakes, tsunamis, floods, and landslides, are always accompanied by a large number of casualties. The size distribution of these casualties have separately been shown to follow approximate power law (PL) distributions. In this paper, we analyze the number of victims of catastrophic phenomena, in particular, terrorism, and find double PL behavior. This means that the data set is better approximated by two PLs instead of one. We have plotted the two PL parameters corresponding to all terrorist events occurred in every year, from 1980 to 2010. We observe an interesting pattern in the chart, where the lines, that connect each pair of points defining the double PLs, are roughly aligned to each other.

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Este artigo examina a forma como as políticas colónias portuguesas de enquadramento do Islão na Guiné e em Moçambique evoluíram de uma representação do muçulmano como ameaça para uma imagem mais conciliadora, pela qual os muçulmanos poderiam ser potenciais aliados do poder português na guerra contra os movimentos nacionalistas. Sendo ambas as representações marcadas pela ambivalência, a primeira predominou até ao final da década de 50 e a segunda desenhou-se em meados dos anos 60, acompanhando o restante trajecto das guerras coloniais. As duas imagens corresponderam a diferentes formas de lidar com a dimensão transnacional do Islão e com o seu alegado impacto sobre o colonialismo português em África. O artigo analisa essas estratégias, abordando a participação que nelas teve a Igreja Católica, o aparelho central de poder e as suas ramificações locais nas colónias.

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Terrorism is at the center of speeches in contemporary societies. Terrorism has caused a great instability in Western society, but if before the Islamic fundamentalist terrorism was just a threat to the West, the Arab world of today suffers this same reality. Human rights conquered in the past, are being constantly violated and forgotten by the countries that make them flag of their ideals as the US, that this fight against terrorism already violated in every way those rights. Human rights are the fundamental pillars to be able to live in society and serve to protect the humanity of the atrocities that have been committed in the past with the great wars. Human rights are the fundamental pillars to be able to live in society and serve to protect the humanity of the atrocities that have been committed in the past with the great wars. Atrocities as torture, which is prohibited by several international documents and yet these inhumane practices continue to be used as a means of combating terrorism. Democracies are fragmented and the great challenge facing this century is finding means to contain the growth of these Islamic radicals, without jeopardizing the universally known human values.

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O fim da Guerra Fria é um caso inédito de mudança pacífica da estrutura internacional, em que os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética transcendem a divisão bipolar para decidir os termos da paz no quadro das instituições que definem o modelo de ordenamento multilateral, consolidando a sua legitimidade. Nesse contexto, ao contrário dos casos precedentes de reconstrução internacional no fim de uma guerra hegemónica, o novo sistema do post-Guerra Fria, caracterizado pela unipolaridade, pela regionalização e pela homogeneização, forma-se num quadro de continuidade institucional. A ordem política do post-Guerra Fria é um sistema misto em que as tensões entre a hierarquia unipolar e a anarquia multipolar, a integração global e a fragmentação regional e a homogeneidade e a heterogeneidade política, ideológica e cultural condicionam as estratégias das potências. As crises internacionais vão pôr à prova a estabilidade da nova ordem e a sua capacidade para garantir mudanças pacíficas. A primeira década do post-Guerra Fria mostra a preponderância dos Estados Unidos e a sua confiança crescente, patente nas Guerras do Golfo Pérsico e dos Balcãs, bem como na crise dos Estreitos da Formosa. A reacção aos atentados do "11 de Setembro" revela uma tentação imperial da potência unipolar, nomeadamente com a invasão do Iraque, que provoca uma crise profunda da comunidade de segurança ocidental. A vulnerabilidade do centro da ordem internacional é confirmada pela crise constitucional europeia e pela crise financeira global. Essas crises não alteram a estrutura de poder mas aceleram a erosão da ordem multilateral e criam um novo quadro de possibilidades para a evolução internacional, que inclui uma escalada dos conflitos num quadro de multipolaridade regional, uma nova polarização entre as potências democráticas conservadoras e uma coligação revisionista autoritária, bem como a restauração de um concerto entre as principais potências internacionais.

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Newspaper reporting on contemporary events of the wars in North America and Europe including the Battle of Queenston Heights and the death of Isaac Brock. News items include: Page 1: Sheaffe announcement regulating the sale of alcohol in Niagara; Myers announcement asking citizens for the return of American muskets recovered from the battle at Queenston; local notices on business claims and education; want ads for wood, straw, flour and pork for military use; announcement by the Prince Regent in Council putting an embargo on American ships. Page 2: release of American prisoners captured at Queenston; results of a battle by Riga, Latvia the French army under MacDonald against Russia; address of Emperor Alexander I of Russia to troops on declaring war on France; news of the British Navy; mediation between Spain and South American colonies; the security of Canadian properties in wartime; American ships leaving Britain with licenses. Page 3: American ships leaving Britain with licenses; Russian General Platoff’s (Platov) victory over Polish Uhlans; Battle of Salamanca with Lord Wellington. Page 4: report on the Battle of Queenston Heights and the death of Isaac Brock.

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A weekly paper that was published from 1805 to 1814. War related news includes: Page 103 - Weekly Retrospect: Reports on the Napoleanic Wars in Europe; Possible French and English troop movements from Europe to America and Canada; Mention of British vessels captured by American privateers Scourge, Rattlesnake and Lion; Report on New York celebration of Commodore Perry and General Harrison's victories on Lake Erie and in Canada respectively; Creek Indians attack on a supply convoy near Savannah, the provisions were recovered by General Floyd; General Harrison's account on Moravian Town (Moraviantown) and Munsey; Movements of General Wilkinson's army. Page 104 - an editorial about the madness of the times and its reflection on humanity. The rest of the newspaper contains literary works (poems and translations), marriages, deaths and other anecdotes. The motto on the front page states: "Visiting Every Flower with Labour Meet, and Gathering all its Treasures, Sweet by Sweet."

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Prior to September 11 2011, Canada was recognized as a leading advocate of international refugee protection and the third largest settlement country in the world. University educated refugees were admitted to the country in part on the basis of their education, but once in Canada their credentials were often ignored. The purpose of this study was to explore, through a transnational feminist lens, immigrant and settlement experiences of refugee female teachers from Yugoslavia who immigrated to Canada during and after the Yugoslav wars; to document the ways in which socially constructed categories such as gender, race, and refugee status have influenced their post-exile experiences and identities; and to identify the government's role in creating conditions where the women were either able or unable to continue in their profession. In this study, I employed both a transnational feminist methodology and narrative inquiry. The analysis process included an emphasis on the storying stories model, poetic transcription, and concentric storying. The women’s voices are represented in various forms throughout the document including individual and collective narratives. Each narrative contributed to a detailed picture of immigration and settlement processes as women spoke of continuing their education, knowing or learning the official language, and contributing to Canadian society and the economy. The findings challenge the image of a victimized and submissive refugee woman, and bring to the centre of discourse the image of the refugee woman as a skilled professional who often remains un- or underemployed in her new country. The dissertation makes an important contribution to an underdeveloped area in the research literature, and has the potential to inform immigration, settlement, and teacher education policies and practices in Canada and elsewhere.