899 resultados para legitimacy of sience
Resumo:
Australia and the United States have been extremely close allies since World War II. The engagements in Afghanistan and Iraq have continued this tradition. Yet even before the bombings in Bali and the confrontation with Iraq, an important debate about the costs and benefits of the relationship with the United States was underway in Australia. At a number of levels—economic, political, and even strategic—increasing numbers of Australians were critically reassessing the relationship and questioning the supposed benefits. Recent events have accelerated this process and thrown the relationship into even starker relief. This paper argues that the increasingly unilateral nature of American economic and strategic policy is imposing major costs on even its most loyal allies, a situation that threatens to undermine the legitimacy of, and support for, U.S. hegemony.
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In the context of a hostile funding environment, universities are increasingly asked to justify their output in narrowly defined economic terms, and this can be difficult in Humanities or Arts faculties where productivity is rarely reducible to a simple financial indicator. This can lead to a number of immediate consequences that I have no need to rehearse here, but can also result in some interesting tensions within the academic community itself. First is that which has become known as the ‘Science Wars’: the increasingly acrimonious exchanges between scientists and scientific academics and cultural critics or theorists about who has the right to describe the world. Much has already been said—and much remains to be said—about this issue, but it is not my intention to discuss it here. Rather, I will look at a second area of contestation: the incorporation of scientific theory into literary or cultural criticism. Much of this work comes from a genuine commitment to interdisciplinarity, and an appreciation of insights that a fresh perspective can bring to a familiar object. However, some can be seen as cynical attempts to lend literary studies the sort of empirical legitimacy of the sciences. In particular, I want to look at a number of critics who have applied information theory to the literary work. In this paper, I will examine several instances of this sort of criticism, and then, through an analysis of a novel by American author Richard Powers, Three Farmers on Their Way to a Dance, show how this sort of criticism merely reduces the meaningful analysis of a complex literary text.
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This paper deals with the discourses of power and gender that influence the way in which at-risk adolescent boys think and solve problems within a specific educational context. The focus is on how some adolescent boys perceive their masculinities, identity, and support networks after they have completed an alternative education program. The position being presented in this paper is that for recovery from adversity, at-risk boys must be provided with protective processes that address masculinities and the impact of power relations within masculinities. In doing so, the research connects gender and protective processes and the role that gender construction plays in successful educational outcomes. It is also argued that for successful reintegration of at-risk adolescent males into an educational setting requires opportunity to be provided within the environment to challenge the legitimacy of traditional masculine performances.
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A presente tese tem como objetivo abordar e analisar a violência contra a mulher e a relação que existiria entre essa conduta e a imagem androcêntrica de "Deus", em um contexto específico: homens e mulheres da Igreja Metodista no Chile. Fizemos uma leitura analítica da maneira de se relacionar as mulheres e os homens nos matrimônios, e as mulheres e os homens com "Deus". O intuito é explorar as similitudes que existem entre a atitude hierárquica do homem na sociedade e na família e o modelo de "Deus" masculino presente no imaginário coletivo da sociedade. A questão foi desenvolvida tendo como eixo principal a imagem indrocêntrica de "Deus" e as variáveis que desde essa imagem se desprendem, a saber, a construção e a ideologia androcêntrica, a sobrevalorização da hegemonia e a linguagem masculina e a legitimação da violência contra mulher. Esta situação é analisada desde um contexto específico a Igreja Metodista no Chile, mas este fato é apenas o contexto de onde começamos a observar os casos de violência contra a mulher, o que permitiu sair desse contexto restringido, para um contexto mais abrangente. Por conseguinte, na procura de fundamentos para elucidar as hipóteses, levantamos alguns elementos antropológicos herdados das ideologias e crenças dos espanhóis e dos indígenas, os quais foram fundamentais na construção do ethos e da idiossincrasia chilena. Para a análise e a crítica do imaginário masculino de Deus, privilegiamos a produção da teologia feminista e, para o conceito de violência que contem a noção de poder, privilegiamos a concepção de micro-poder, estimando que a violência contra da mulher se concretiza, primordialmente, em nível de micro estruturas, ainda que o fato esteja legitimado em nível de macro estruturas. O objetivo desta tese é contribuir na reflexão teológico-pastoral desde a perspectiva da mulher, visando fornecer elementos de debate no caminho à superação da violência.(AU)
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O Episódio do Cego de Nascença (Jo 9,1-41; 10,19-21) é produto simbólico da concorrência pelo poder religioso entre comunidade joanina e fariseus da sinagoga, tendo sido elaborado para provocar em seus leitores o questionamento da legitimidade do poder religioso exercido pelos fariseus, configurado como monopólio do capital simbólico do judaísmo. O conflito se estabelece na medida em que a comunidade joanina passa a concorrer com os fariseus por este poder, em vista do atendimento de seus próprios interesses sócio-religiosos. A concorrência é particularmente palpável no confronto entre interpretações particulares de símbolos fundamentais da tradição judaica, como a retribuição, o sábado e a profecia. O enfrentamento dos fariseus por parte dos judeus leigos da comunidade joanina convida a uma revolução simbólica, a qual propõe que os leigos da comunidade joanina assumam a função profética de disputa pelos bens simbólicos do judaísmo(AU)
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O objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar o Programa Especial de Formação Pedagógica (PEFP), na perspectiva das representações sociais. Foram convidados a participar da pesquisa 463 (quatrocentos e sessenta e três) alunos, integrantes de cinco turmas do curso, sendo que 102 (cento e dois) alunos aceitaram e responderam voluntariamente ao questionário colocado no ambiente virtual de aprendizagem. Em seguida, foram selecionados entre os alunos respondentes, aqueles que já exerciam a docência. Esses professores foram convidados a participar de uma entrevista sobre sua formação docente, por meio do programa especial e 9 (nove) professores aceitaram. Também foram entrevistados 4 (quatro) diretores de escolas e supervisores de ensino que atuam ou atuaram na região metropolitana de Santos. A investigação se completou com a análise da legislação educacional e mandados judiciais referentes ao Programa Especial de Formação Pedagógica. Os dados obtidos foram analisados pelo software ALCESTE e por meio de Análise de Conteúdo, numa metodologia de pesquisa qualitativa. Os resultados apontaram a seguinte representação social: ser professor é ter formação pedagógica, formação profissional e formação acadêmica, por meio de uma licenciatura. Esta representação quanto à formação docente converge para a themata: ser professor é ser licenciado. A díade licenciado/não licenciado enuncia uma tensão existente no centro da representação identificada. Alunos e egressos do curso manifestaram insegurança sobre a legitimidade da licenciatura obtida por meio da complementação pedagógica e, consequentemente, sobre sua inserção profissional no sistema educacional. Entretanto, entrevistas feitas com supervisores de ensino e diretores de escola mostram o outro lado da formação pedagógica, por meio do PEFP. Os relatos dos diretores e supervisores de ensino apontam para a legitimação do curso e para o envolvimento profissional destes professores, nas escolas onde atuam.
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Este trabalho investiga as relações interpessoais entre professores(as) e formadores(as), tendo como foco o(a) Professor(a) de Apoio Pedagógico (PAP), na Prefeitura de São Bernardo do Campo. Analisa a complexidade que envolve o trabalho formativo e verifica as relações estabelecidas entre estes pares: hierarquia, intervenções formativas, relações de poder, trabalho coletivo e veiculações de conhecimento. O(a) PAP ao final do ano é avaliado(a), num passado recente, pelo grupo, e atualmente, pelo(a) diretor(a) e referendado a assumir a função no ano seguinte, dando continuidade ao seu trabalho ou não. Se não referendado, volta para a sala de aula. Observa-se que alguns(mas) PAP s vem conseguindo ser referendados(as) e mantém-se há dez anos na função. A questão desta pesquisa é: O que leva o(a) formador(a) de professores(as) a conseguir tal legitimidade do grupo? Foram realizadas entrevistas, com vistas a uma abordagem metodológica de Histórias de Vida com análise das trajetórias formativas e profissionais de sete PAP´s (três que estão na função desde 1998, quando da sua criação, e quatro que estão na função desde 2007). Os referenciais teóricos estão ancorados em Antònio Nóvoa quando discute identidade e autoconhecimento do(a) professor(a); Paulo Freire na abordagem sobre dialogicidade como prática da liberdade; Madalena Freire quando analisa a resistência e constituição de grupo. A conclusão da pesquisa aponta que para conquistar a legitimidade do grupo, o(a) formador(a) deve estar atento para não cair na armadilha da burocracia, a qual por muitos anos tem feito parte das instituições escolares, promovendo enquadramento e controle; também não deve se aprisionar na arrogância que a posição gestora pode suscitar. Para conquistar a legitimidade do grupo, a capacidade de enfrentamento dos medos e conflitos através do diálogo como prática da liberdade é fundamental e, neste sentido, construir uma identidade formadora da qual faz parte o ouvir atento e o observar apurado dos movimentos do grupo, demanda uma postura ética em que as relações se constroem através do respeito, amorosidade, fé nos homens e criticidade.(AU)
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Problem structuring methods (PSMs) aim to build shared understanding in a group of decision makers. This shared understanding is used as a basis for them to negotiate an agreed action plan that they are prepared to help implement. Engaging in a social process of negotiation with a large number of people is difficult, and so PSMs have typically focused on small groups of less than 20. This paper explores the legitimacy of deploying PSMs in large groups of people (50–1000), where the aim is to negotiate action and build commitment to its implementation. We review the difficulties of facilitating large groups with PSMs, drawing heavily on our experience of working with over 25 large groups. We offer a range of lessons learned and suggest concrete approaches to facilitating large groups to achieve the objectives of PSMs. This paper contributes to the evaluation and development of PSMs.
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The thesis provides an analysis of an occupation in the process of making itself a profession. The solicitors' profession in Birmingham underwent a great many changes during the 19th century against a background of industrialisation and urbanisation. The solicitors' conception of their status and role, in the face of these challenges, had implications for successful strategies of professionalisation. The increased prestige and power of the profession, and especially its elite, are examined in their social context rather than in terms of a technical process, or educational and organisational change. The thesis argues that -the profession's social relationships and broad concerns were significant in establishing solicitors as "professional men". In particular these are related to the profession's efforts to gain control of markets for legal services and increase social status. In the course of achieving these aims a concept of profession and a self-image were articulated by solicitors in order to persuade society and the state of the legitimacy of their claims. The concept of the gentlemanly professional was of critical importance in this instance. The successful creation of a provincial professional "community" by the end of the 19th century rested principally on a social and moral conception of professionalism rather than one which stressed specialised training and knowledge, professional organisations and credentials.
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Objectives: To conduct an independent evaluation of the first phase of the Health Foundation's Safer Patients Initiative (SPI), and to identify the net additional effect of SPI and any differences in changes in participating and non-participating NHS hospitals. Design: Mixed method evaluation involving five substudies, before and after design. Setting: NHS hospitals in United Kingdom. Participants: Four hospitals (one in each country in the UK) participating in the first phase of the SPI (SPI1); 18 control hospitals. Intervention: The SPI1 was a compound (multicomponent) organisational intervention delivered over 18 months that focused on improving the reliability of specific frontline care processes in designated clinical specialties and promoting organisational and cultural change. Results: Senior staff members were knowledgeable and enthusiastic about SPI1. There was a small (0.08 points on a 5 point scale) but significant (P<0.01) effect in favour of the SPI1 hospitals in one of 11 dimensions of the staff questionnaire (organisational climate). Qualitative evidence showed only modest penetration of SPI1 at medical ward level. Although SPI1 was designed to engage staff from the bottom up, it did not usually feel like this to those working on the wards, and questions about legitimacy of some aspects of SPI1 were raised. Of the five components to identify patients at risk of deterioration - monitoring of vital signs (14 items); routine tests (three items); evidence based standards specific to certain diseases (three items); prescribing errors (multiple items from the British National Formulary); and medical history taking (11 items) - there was little net difference between control and SPI1 hospitals, except in relation to quality of monitoring of acute medical patients, which improved on average over time across all hospitals. Recording of respiratory rate increased to a greater degree in SPI1 than in control hospitals; in the second six hours after admission recording increased from 40% (93) to 69% (165) in control hospitals and from 37% (141) to 78% (296) in SPI1 hospitals (odds ratio for "difference in difference" 2.1, 99% confidence interval 1.0 to 4.3; P=0.008). Use of a formal scoring system for patients with pneumonia also increased over time (from 2% (102) to 23% (111) in control hospitals and from 2% (170) to 9% (189) in SPI1 hospitals), which favoured controls and was not significant (0.3, 0.02 to 3.4; P=0.173). There were no improvements in the proportion of prescription errors and no effects that could be attributed to SPI1 in non-targeted generic areas (such as enhanced safety culture). On some measures, the lack of effect could be because compliance was already high at baseline (such as use of steroids in over 85% of cases where indicated), but even when there was more room for improvement (such as in quality of medical history taking), there was no significant additional net effect of SPI1. There were no changes over time or between control and SPI1 hospitals in errors or rates of adverse events in patients in medical wards. Mortality increased from 11% (27) to 16% (39) among controls and decreased from17%(63) to13%(49) among SPI1 hospitals, but the risk adjusted difference was not significant (0.5, 0.2 to 1.4; P=0.085). Poor care was a contributing factor in four of the 178 deaths identified by review of case notes. The survey of patients showed no significant differences apart from an increase in perception of cleanliness in favour of SPI1 hospitals. Conclusions The introduction of SPI1 was associated with improvements in one of the types of clinical process studied (monitoring of vital signs) and one measure of staff perceptions of organisational climate. There was no additional effect of SPI1 on other targeted issues nor on other measures of generic organisational strengthening.
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Az írás az utóbbi néhány év magyarországi válságjelenségeinek magyarázatát keresi. Elméletileg egyrészt a demokratikus elitizmus fogalmi rendszere alkalmazhatóságának kérdőjeleit fogalmazza meg, másrészt a szimulált demokrácia fogalmának megalkotására tesz kísérletet. A színlelt demokrácia feltételei között a társadalom jelentős csoportjai és az elit csak imitálják a szabályok elfogadását, ami kiegészül a demokratikus játékszabályokat illető elitkonszenzus hiányával, valamint a politikai vezetőréteg és a társadalom kapcsolatában a szimbolikus képviselet dominanciájával – a tartalmi képviselet és a felelősség helyett. A populista tendenciák bátorítása, a transzformatív elemek túlsúlya, a politika perszonalizációja, a hétköznapi élet és a szakmai kérdések átpolitizálása, az ellenfelek legitimációjának megkérdőjelezése, eltérő irányú üzenetek küldése a köz és az elit számára, a közpénzek nem transzparens felhasználása, a széles körben elterjedt adóelkerülés és normaszegés, valamint az ígérgetés fatális lehet a demokratikus stabilitás és a politikai rendszer működése szempontjából. ________ The article seeks to identify the causes of the Hungarian crisis phenomena that emerged in the past couple of years. Theoretically, fi rst it asks whether the conceptual framework of democratic elitism can be applied, and then it attempts to outline the concept of simulated democracy. The article argues that in a simulated democracy both the elite and large groups within society only imitate that they accept the rules of the game. Moreover, there is no elite consensus about these rules and instead of substantive representation and responsibility symbolic representation does dominate the linkage between political elite and society. Both democratic stability and the performance of the regime will be seriously undermined because the elite encourage populist tendencies, transformative elements dominate, politics is personalized, everyday life and professional issues are over-politicized. In addition, the legitimacy of the opponents tends to be questioned, different and opposing messages are sent to the public and to the elite, public monies are spent in a nontransparent way, and tax-evasion, norm-breaching and over-bidding prevail.
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This study begins with a brief overview of tax immu nities in general, dealing with the concept, legal, doctrinal ratings and limits. Then enters into the reciprocal immunity, since its birth in the United States, its justifica tions, until her current developments in the Brazilian Supreme Court, which has expanded it quite considerably. That Court has extended to state owned enterprises, even if pa id by public prices or rates, or if acts somewhat away from its essential functions, es pecially if they are public services provider. Given this linkage, these are also treate d in own topic, grounded in newer doctrinal proposals and less attached to historical formalisms (see such Supremacy of Public Interest over Private one). Public services are approached in its diversity, oblivious to traditional monolithic nature and accu stomed to the modern doctrine of fundamental human rights. It deals also the princip les of free enterprise and free competition, given that the public service provider s have lived intensely in this environment, be they public or private agents. In d ialectical topic, these institutes are placed in joint discussion, all in an attempt to in vestigate their interactions and propose criteria less generic and removed from real ity, to assess the legitimacy of the mutual enjoyment of immunity by certain agents. Sev eral cases of the Court are analyzed individually, checking in each one the app lication of the proposed criteria, such logical-deductive activity and theory of pract ice approach. At the end, the conclusions refer to a reciprocal immunity less rhe torical and ideological and more pragmatic and consequentialist. It is proposed the end to the general rules or abstract formulas of subsumption, with concerns on the one h and the actual maintenance of the federal pact, and on the other by a solid econo mic order without inapt advantages to certain players, which flatly contradicts the co nstitutional premises.
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The crisis of the model of technical and formal rationality is discussed in light of a paradigmatic change of the Law that arises in the context of recent transformations of capitalism worldwide, proposing a humanization of Law and Justice with a new ethical-political foundation that promotes a reconciliation between the rules that governs the social order and the world of life, a process of society’s emancipation. As empirical cut it is taken the Right of Children and Youth and, in a practical perspective, the recognition and effectiveness of the Rights of Children and Adolescents in Brazil. It is proposed to analyze the process of democratization and legitimacy of the children and youth rights from the study and apprehension of knowledge that advocate a multidisciplinary view of knowledge and a dialogic praxis for construction of a thought able to contribute to the analysis of public policies and to develop strategies that allow a real change on the social thinking about the doctrine of integral protection of children and adolescents. The proposed methodological approach was developed from a dialectical view of science and as a research strategy for data collection of symbolic cartography or cartographic sociology of law and justice. It is shown that in the process of humanization of the Law and Justice there is a gap between the rights and the democratic participation of these rights.
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This dissertation has the main objective to assess the legal and constitutional legitimacy of the legislative state act that criminalizes the conduct of carrying drugs for own consumption - in the case of Brazil, art. 28 of the Federal Law n.º 11.343 of August 23rd, 2006. Therefore, it is done, initially, a contextualization, pointing the main regulatory frameworks, internal and external, of what is conventionally called prohibition in the matter of drugs, as well as the different species of liberalizing initiatives today on an upward trend in the international scenario. Then analyzes the state intervention in question in the light of references of human dignity, freedom and privacy, emphasizing, in the point, among other contributions, the various precedents of foreign constitutional jurisdiction over the theme. Immediately thereafter, confronts the policy in screen with what is perhaps, these days, the main control mechanism of the restrictive measures of fundamental rights, namely the proportionality test, here represented by classical elements of appropriateness, necessity and proportionality in the strict sense. After that, it examines the criminalization on the agenda before the parameter of equality and the general interests of health and public safety. Based on theory and empirical enrolled in the development, it is concluded, finally, the unconstitutionality of the option of the ordinary legislature to impose criminal penalties on users - problematic or not - of substances or products capable of causing physical or psychological dependence.
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This study aims to bring reflection on the legitimacy crisis of the Brazilian representative democracy, which results in non-attendance of fundamental rights, regarding legal and social facts in light of the existing constitutional order and seeking solutions in more democratic procedures and in a more humane, critical, democratic and collaborative education. It has been an issue for some time the understanding that the authorities do not meet the basic needs of Brazilian citizens - the only way to make them autonomous and sufficiently able to conduct their lives in a competitive and globalized labor market. Such situation only worsened - as illustrated by the social movements in mid-2013 - when people took to the streets, showing a noticeable dissatisfaction with public services in general, and some other groups presenting specific complaints in those events. To find solutions or at least suggestions for the reflection of the problem found, a current approach to public authorities was necessary attempting to reveal how the constitutional order authorizes their operation and how - in fact - they act. In this endeavour, the legitimacy of power was discussed, involving the analysis of its origin, to whom it belongs and the legitimacy of deficit situations, concluding that it is only justified as it gets more democratic influence, with greater participation of people in its deliberations and decisions, with its plurality and complexity. Research carried out by official institutions was necessary to have evidence of the low level of social development of the country and the nonattendance of minimum basic rights, as well as exposure to various acts and omissions which show that all public authorities do not legitimately represent the people's interests. The competence of the Supreme Court to establish the broader scope of the remuneration policy in the public service received proper attention, presenting itself as an effective means to promote the reduction of the remuneration and structural inequality in public service and contributing to better care of fundamental rights. Also, considerations were made about the Decree 8243/2014, which established the National Policy for Social Participation (NPSP) and the National System of Social Participation (NSSP) and took other measures with the suggestion of its expansion into the legislative and judiciary powers as a way to legitimize the Brazilian democracy, considering its current stage. In conclusion, it is presented the idea expressed by the most influential and modern pedagogical trends for the creation of a participatory, solidary, non-hierarchical and critical culture since the childhood stage. This idea focuses on the resolution of questions addressed to the common good, which considers the complexity and the existing pluralism in society with a view to constant knowledge update. Knowledge update is in turn dynamic and requires such action, instilling - for the future generations - the idea that the creation of a more participatory and collaborative democracy is needed to reduce social inequality as a way to legitimize and promote social welfare, with the implementation of a policy devoted to meet the minimum fundamental rights to ensure dignity to the population.