La voz del otro: rompiendo con la tradición del museo

Existe una actitud predominante en el mundo de los museos según la cual las diversas culturas se presentan y se respetan de manera adecuada, dándose un diálogo efectivo entre los museos y las comunidades culturales a las que sirven. Sin embargo, el presente trabajo disiente de dicha creencia, expone sus motivos, y sugiere una trayectoria por la que los museos pueden acercarse con éxito a tales objetivos. Lo que está en juego aquí es el ethos contemporáneo e histórico de los museos y su concepto de la identidad propia, lo que interfiere con su capacidad para incluir a “los otros”, excepto en sus propios términos. El propósito del museo en este sentido es mantener su voz preeminente y su prerrogativa intelectual en sus comunicaciones con el público al que sirve. La idea de que hay múltiples voces que necesitan ser escuchadas no es un concepto fácil de contemplar para los museos, y un paso positivo en aquella dirección representaría un cambio importante con consecuencias de largo alcance.

Ausonius’ Caesares

Ausonio de Burdigala (Burdeos) escribe entre los años 379-383 su obra poética titulada Caesares. Esta colección es una biografía de la vida de los emperadores en verso (hexámetro y dístico elegíaco). Caesares no está completa; la obra acaba de repente en el cuarteto dedicado a Heliogábalo. En este trabajo abordamos el género de la colección, examinamos el estilo de Ausonio en varias partes (monósticos y tetrásticos) y destacamos las fuentes (Suetonio, Tácito, Kaisergeschichte, Mario Máximo). Asimismo valoramos las diferentes opiniones que los estudiosos de Ausonio han expresado sobre la parte perdida de esta colección.

L’échec du multiculturalisme en Grande-Bretagne? Une analyse conceptuelle, théorique et empirique des débats du multiculturalisme

Dans le présent mémoire, on se questionne sur la portée et la signification que l’on peut légitimement attribuer à la déclaration de 2011 du premier ministre britannique David Cameron concernant « l’échec du multiculturalisme d’État ». Plus précisément, est-ce que cet échec déclaré du multiculturalisme s’en prend à la construction théorique et normative du multiculturalisme ? Rejette-t-il plutôt l’aménagement politico-institutionnel du multiculturalisme en Grande-Bretagne ? À cet égard, est-ce qu’on observe un retrait effectif des politiques du multiculturalisme en Grande-Bretagne, entre 2000 et 2015 ? D’une approche analytique de la philosophie politique, cette recherche propose d’interpréter et de comprendre les débats qui ont cours en ce qui concerne le multiculturalisme de manière générale, puis en Grande-Bretagne plus particulièrement. Ce faisant, le présent mémoire est animé par deux objectifs : d’abord, il s’agit d’opérer une clarification conceptuelle du multiculturalisme, selon qu’on l’appréhende au titre d’appréciation factuelle socioculturelle (diversité), en tant qu’ensemble théorique et normatif (pluralisme), ou encore comme aménagement institutionnel et politique (politique publique). Ensuite, il s’agit d’observer, empiriquement et de manière systématique, l’état et l’évolution du multiculturalisme comme politique publique en Grande-Bretagne, entre 2000 et 2015. Pour ce faire, on reprend la structure méthodologique du Multicultural Policy Index, élaboré par Keith Banting et Will Kymlicka. Notre contribution originale à la littérature consiste ainsi à mettre à jour les données de cet Index pour le cas de la Grande-Bretagne, en date de 2015. En un mot, on observe une relative stabilité des politiques du multiculturalisme entre 2000 et 2015, alors que pour la même période les gouvernements britanniques critiquent de plus en plus négativement le multiculturalisme, allant jusqu’à en déclarer l’échec. Enfin, on cherche à interpréter ce phénomène, tout comme on force un dialogue entre les principales critiques émises à l’égard du multiculturalisme et les principaux théoriciens de celui-ci.

Entscheidungsstrukturen für Bildungsfragen in offenen Gesellschaften

Können offene Gesellschaften, die über eine bestimmte Staatsideologie nicht verfügen, sondern unterschiedliche Interessen organisieren, Ziele für ein öffentliches Bildungssystem überhaupt begründen? Nachdem die fraglose Eingliederung des Bildungswesens in die Staatsverwaltung nicht mehr legitim erscheint und nachdem sich eine Organisation nach dem Demokratieprinzip als fragwürdig erwiesen hat, ist zunehmend von vertraglichen Regelungen auch im Bildungswesen die Rede, von Marktmechanismen oder korporativistischen Prinzipien. Privatisierung ist dafür das falsche Stichwort, es scheint eher um die vertragliche Organisation öffentlichen Handelns zu gehen. Die neuere bildungspolitische Entwicklung geht in diese Richtung: De-Institutionalisierung, Effizienzerwartung, Multikulturalität, Wahlfreiheit, Beteiligung. (DIPF/Orig.)

Conceções de alunos do 5.º ano do ensino básico sobre o que é “ser muçulmano”

Relatório Final apresentado à Escola Superior de Educação de Lisboa para obtenção de grau de mestre em Ensino do 1.º e 2.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico

Equality of opportunity, cultural diversity and claims for fairness

The present paper examines some of the tensions, problems and challenges associated with claims for equality of opportunity (the fairness argument). The introductory part identifies three separate forms of justification for public education, including the argument associated with equality of opportunity. Part II examines in detail two questions that reveal part of the anatomy of equality of opportunity: (1) what an opportunity is, and (2) when individuals’ opportunities are equal. This is followed by a presentation of the two basic principles of equality of opportunity: (1) the principle of non-discrimination, and (2) the “levelling the playing field” principle. The next part takes up the multiculturalist hypothesis advanced by minority groups for the accommodation and recognition of cultural diversity. This is followed by the identification of a set of claims comprising the “fairness argument”. The last section focuses on the “currency problem” associated with cultural diversity as a form of “unfair disadvantage”. Part V examines two of the major shortcomings associated with the multicultural conception of equality of opportunity, while the concluding part discusses some of the questions that must be answered by any conception of equal opportunities. (DIPF/Orig.)

Too Much to Belong: Latina/o Racialization, Obesity Epidemic Discourse, and Unassimilable Corporeal Excess

This project examines the discursive constructions of Latina/o bodies as excessive in order to examine how Latinas/os are excluded from belonging to the U.S. nation-state. By approaching Latina/o Studies from a Fat Studies perspective, it works to more adequately address the role of embodiment in determining processes of racialization that directly impact Latinas/os in the United States, especially in light of the role of race and racism in “obesity epidemic” discourse. This dissertation argues that cultural and even physiological explanations about the Latina/o propensity for “overweight” and “obesity” create a discourse that marks the Latina/o body as demonstrating an unassimilable corporeal excess. In turn, the rhetoric of “diversity” and “multiculturalism” are rendered inapplicable to Latinas/os, as demonstrated by both nativist and seemingly pro-immigrant discourses that posit Latina/o physical excess in the form of fatness as detrimental and even dangerous to the U.S. nation-state.

Whiteness and news: the interlocking social construction of "realities"

This dissertation examines how mainstream U.S. journalism consistently serves white racial interests and the racial status quo, or what I call white incumbency, despite its push for diversity and its stated aims to improve coverage of nonwhite communities. It is based on an in-depth ethnographic study of two daily newspapers and extensive one-on-one interviews with 61 journalists. I found that although journalists strongly identify with the need for more diverse coverage in newspapers, they emphasize individual and personal stories that avoid recognition of historical racial power imbalances, exhibiting what Ruth Frankenberg calls power-evasive race cognizance. Journalists also demonstrate a number of often contradictory identifications and self-understandings about themselves and their work, such as commitments to diversity and not taking sides, but these conflicts are almost always resolved in favor of white incumbency. Journalistic conventions and practices, such as the watchdog function and its emphasis on public institutions, routinely produce stories that replay and reinforce racial hegemony by portraying nonwhites as problems or people seeking “special privileges.” Also, journalistic repertoires about those conventions and practices avoid interrogations of journalists’ ongoing complicity in the maintenance of white incumbency.

Multiculturalidade e ensino do português : perspetivas de linguagem e discurso no âmbito da integração curricular

Relatório de Estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Educação do Instituto Politécnico de Castelo Branco para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Pré-Escolar e Ensino do 1º Ciclo do Ensino Básico.

A educação pré-escolar e a promoção da interculturalidade : o papel dos contos tradicionais

Relatório de Estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Educação do Instituto Politécnico de Castelo Branco para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Pré-Escolar e Ensino do 1º Ciclo do Ensino Básico.

Edukacja w/dla wielokulturowości. Casus Singapuru

Singapore brings together representatives of different cultures. Currently, 76% of the Singapore population is Chinese, 14% - Malay, 8% Hindu. All of them (with the rest 2%) have a possibility to participate in one of the best education models in the world. However, education and other political institutions are assessed in an ambivalent way. The article will address these controversies, including the Confucian thought of self-improvement and Peranakan Chinese as an example for the hypothesis.

Edukacja obywatelska w Anglii – założenia, perspektywy, wyzwania

Britain is exceptional among modern Western democracies in having had citizenship education in public schools. British people have regarded themselves as “subjects” rather citizens. It has been changing recently. Due to social transformations, especially growing multiculturalism and associated social tensions, citizenship education became the core of social and political debate. After 1997, when the Labor Party came to power, the discourse of citizenship as well as citizenship education developed. The main aim of citizenship education in state schools is to build social cohesion and reduce social tension through dialogue. School curricula pay more attention to identity and cultural diversity. The aim of the paper is to present and analyse the main premises of educational policy in the context of citizenship education in public schools in England. I will also attempt to reconstruct the social and political debate on the consequences of introducing citizenship education to state schools.

Zmiany w programach kształcenia w zakresie edukacji obywatelskiej w Kanadzie

The aim of this article was to examine how the currently dominant neoliberal and neoconservative discourse is present in the sector of education. The subject of research was to show the influence of a certain ideology on the process of reformulating secondary schools curricula in Canada, especially in Ontario, and the program materials designed for adult immigrants preparing for a citizenship test. This paper explores the relationship between the neoliberal ideology present at the provincial level, where individual development and economic rationales are dominant, and the neoconservative ideology at the federal level, which recovers imperial roots of Canadian citizenship, grounded in the Anglo-Saxon tradition and colonial history.

LA SOCIEDAD DE LA INFORMACIÓN Y LA ACCIÓN DEL MULTICULTURALISMO

No se puede hablar de la sociedad del siglo XXI sin relacionarla con el uso de la información y con el acceso social a las telecomunicaciones y la computación para responder a las demandas de los nuevos ciudadanos. En los países de la región latinoamericana, donde el acceso a la información y a las tecnológicas no es fácil, se requiere que esos elementos sean parte de las responsabilidades de los individuos y de los gobiernos para que se conformen las políticas y programas públicos y privados de educación, cultura y ciencia.

European Cosmopolitanism and Civil Society

The discussion of European cosmopolitanism and civil society has failed to take questions of culture seriously enough. While remaining sympathetic to liberal forms of cosmopolitanism, this article considers the view that such proposals fail to make space for the 'Other'. In the context of histories of nationalist violence, masculinism and consumerism this article discusses the charge that ideas of European civilization need to be reconsidered. In the final part of the article, I discuss the view that cultural feminism and certain versions of multiculturalism have much to contribute towards the European project. However, at this point, I seek to distance myself from essentialist arguments in respect of identity. A generative European cosmopolitanism would do well to take questions of cultural domination seriously without reducing the complexity of modern identities.