989 resultados para Intraclass struggles


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Double Degree

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This article proposes an investigation of the history and memory of the Carnation Revolution through the lens of contemporary art. Drawing upon the argument according to which history and memory are investigated by visual artists by means other, but no less relevant, than those of professional historians, this article will argue for the importance of attending to the visual, auditory, textual, object- and research-based ways in which artists from several generations and geographies have been unearthing the repressed histories and memories of the Carnation Revolution in Portugal and of anticolonial struggles, decolonization and post-independence nation-building in Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and Angola. The discussion focuses on several works by Ângela Ferreira, but attention will also be paid to precursors in imaging the Revolution, such as Ana Hatherly, and to a younger generation of artists such as Filipa César, Kiluanji Kia Henda and Daniel Barroca.

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OBJECTIVE: Contemporary free-breathing non contrast enhanced cardiovascular magnetic resonance angiography (CMRA) was qualitatively and quantitatively evaluated to ascertain the reproducibility of the method for coronary artery luminal dimension measurements. SUBJECTS AND METHODS: Twenty-two healthy volunteers (mean age 32 +/- 7 years, 12 males) without coronary artery disease were imaged at 2 centers (1 each in Europe and North America) using navigator-gated and corrected SSFP CMRA on a commercial whole body 1.5T System. Repeat images of right (RCA, n = 21), left anterior descending (LAD, n = 14) and left circumflex (LCX, n = 14) coronary arteries were obtained in separate sessions using identical scan protocol and imaging parameters. True visible vessel length, signal-to-noise (SNR), contrast-to-noise ratios (CNR) and the average luminal diameter over the first 4 cm of the vessel were measured. Intra-observer, inter-observer and inter-scan reproducibility of coronary artery luminal diameter were determined using Pearson's correlation, Bland-Altman analysis and intraclass correlation coefficients (ICC). RESULTS: CNR, SNR and the mean length of the RCA, LAD and LCX imaged for original and repeat scans were not significantly different (all p > 0.30). There was a high degree of intra-observer, inter-observer and inter-scan agreements for RCA, LAD and LCX luminal diameter respectively on Bland-Altman and ICC analysis (ICC's for RCA: 0.98. 0.98 and 0.86; LAD: 0.89, 0.89 and 0.63; LCX: 0.95, 0.94 and 0.79). CONCLUSION: In a 2-center study, we demonstrate that free-breathing 3D SSFP CMRA can visualize long continuous segments of coronary vessels with highly reproducible measurements of luminal diameter.

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Assessment of eating habits in young children from multicultural backgrounds has seldom been conducted. Our objectives were to study the reproducibility and the results of a food frequency questionnaire (FFQ) developed to assess changes in eating habits of preschool children with a high migrant population, in the context of a multidisciplinary multilevel lifestyle intervention. Three kindergarten classes (53% from migrant backgrounds) in French-speaking Switzerland were randomly selected and included 16 girls and 28 boys (mean age +/- SD, 5.4 +/- 0.7 years). The FFQ was filled out twice within a 4-week interval by the parents. Spearman rank correlations between the first and the second FFQ for the 39 items of the food questions were as follows: low (r < 0.50) for 8 (7 P < .05 and 1 nonsignificant), moderate (0.50 <or= r < 0.70) for 22 (all P < .01), and high (r >or= 0.70) for 9 (all P < .01). In addition, 28 of 39 intraclass correlation coefficients were high (>0.50, all P < .01). Eighty-six percent of the children ate breakfast at home daily, but only 67% had lunch at home. The percentages of children eating at least once a week in front of the TV were as follows: 50% for breakfast, 33% for lunch, 38% for dinner, and 48% for snacks. Forty percent of children asked their parents to buy food previously seen in advertisements and ate fast food between once a week and once a month. Children generally consumed foods with a high-energy content. The FFQ yielded good test-retest reproducibility for most items of the food questions and gave relevant findings about the eating habits of preschool children in areas with a high migrant population.

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This thesis, based on the results of an organizational ethnography of a university-based feminist organization in Southern Ontario (the Centre), traces how third wave feminism is being constituted in the goals, initiatives, mandate, organizational structure, and overall culture of university-based feminist organizations. I argue that, from its inception, the meanings and goals of the Centre have been contested through internal critique, reflection, and discussion inspired by significant shifts in feminist theory that challenge the fundamental principles of second wave feminism. I identify a major shift in the development and direction of the Centre that occurs in two distinct phases. The first phase of the shift occurs with the emergence of an antioppression framework, which broadens the Centre's mandate beyond gender and sexism to consider multiple axes of identity and oppression that affect women's lives. The second phase of this shift is characterized by a focus on (trans) inclusion and accessibility and has involved changing the Centre's name so that it is no longer identified as a women's centre in order to reflect more accurately its focus on mUltiple axes of identity and oppression. Along with identifying two phases of a major shift in the direction of the Centre, I trace two discourses about its development. The dominant discourse of the Centre's development is one of progress and evolution. The dominant discourse characterizes the Centre as a dynamic feminist organization that consistently strives to be more inclusive and diverse. The reverse discourse undermines the dominant discourse by emphasizing that, despite the Centre's official attempts to be inclusive and to build diversity, little has actually changed, leaving women of colour marginalized in the Centre's dominant culture of whiteness. This research reveals that, while many of their strategies have unintended (negative) consequences, members of the Centre are working to build an inclusive politics of resistance that avoids the mistakes of earlier feminist movements and organizations. These members, along with other activists, actively constitute third wave feminism in a process that is challenging, contradictory, and often painful. A critical analysis of this process and the strategies it involves provides an opportunity for activists to reflect on their experiences and develop new strategies in an effort to further struggles for social justice and equity.

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Objectlve:--This study examined the intraclass reliability· of different measures of the excitability of the Hoffmann reflex, derived from stimulus-response curves. The slope of the regression line of the H-reflex stimulus-response curve advocated by Funase et al. (1994) was also compared to the peak of the first derivative of the H-reflex stimulus-response curve (dHIdVmax), a new measure introduced in this investigation. A secondary purpose was to explore the possibility of mood as a covariate when measuring excitability of the H-reflex arc. Methods: The H-reflex amplitude at a stimulus intensity corresponding to 5% of the maximum M-wave (Mmax) is an established measure that was used as an additional basis of comparison. The H-reflex was elicited in the soleus for 24 subjects (12 males and 12 females) on five separate days. Vibration was applied to the Achilles tendon prior to stimulation to test the sensitivity of the measures on test day four. The means of five evoked potentials at each gradually increasing intensity, from below H-reflex threshold to above Mmax, were used to create both the H-reflex and M-wave stimulus response curves for each subject across test days. The mood of the subjects was assessed using the Subjective Exercise Experience Scale (SEES) prior to the stimulation protocol each day. Results: There was a modest decrease in all H-reflex measures from the first to third test day, but it was non-significant (P's>0.05). All measures of the H-reflex exhibited a profound reduction following vibration on test day four, and then returned to baseline levels on test day five (P's<0.05). The intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) for H-reflex amplitude at 5% of Mmax was 0.85. The ICC for the slope of the regression line was 0.79 while it was 0.89 for dH/dVmax. Maximum M-wave amplitude had an ICC of 0.96 attesting to careful methodological controls. The SEES subscales of fatigue and psychological well-being remained unchanged IV across the five days. The psychological distress subscale (PO.05). Conclusions: The peak of the first derivative of the H-reflex stimulus-response curve (dH/dVmax) was shown to have comparable reliability and sensitivity to other more established measures of excitability. Psychological distress and the amplitude of the H-reflex at 5% Mmax follow similar trends across days, however there was no significant correlation between the two measures. Significance: The proposed method appears to be a more robust measure ofH-reflex excitability than the other methods tested. As such it would be an advantageous method to apply in clinical and investigative settings. Additionally, the results suggest that the relationship between psychological distress and H-reflex amplitude should be investigated further.

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In this thesis I outline a critical approach to interpreting the considerable academic literature on Aboriginal women in North America. I locate the scholarship concerning Native women within an understanding of three developments related to a philosophy of science: (I) paradigmatic shifts concerning the philosophy of science, (2) materialist-idealist debates and (3) transitions in feminist theory characterized by what is tenned the shift from second to third wave feminism. My exploration of emergent themes suggests that the elements indicated above provide overlapping frameworks within which most scholarship about Indigenous women is positioned. I illustrate my finding that employing critical discourse analysis and postcolonial feminism as both method and theory provides a useful approach in attending to intersecting experiences of 'race, class, and gender.' I view these intersecting experiences as central to the socio-political positioning of Indigenous women within contemporary feminist theorizing. I conclude my thesis by reflecting on the conceptual struggles I experienced in fonnulating and organizing the thesis and the significance of my underlying epistemological position and value-orientation as both a feminist and Native woman.

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and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

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Through aggressive legislative and educational policies Indigenous languages globally have been shifted to the language of the dominant society. Globalization has brought previously geo-politically and/or geo-linguistically isolated people and language . groups into close proximity that necessitated interaction and at times intense power struggles. There are currently approximately 6,000 spoken languages in the world, more than half are either endangered, dying or disappearing altogether. Canadian statistics reveal an overall 3 % decline in the intergenerational transmission of language. Of the original 60 Indigenous languages spoken in Canada, 8 are extinct, 13 are nearly extinct, and 23 are critical. The remaining languages have a slim chance of survival. Within the next 100 years only 4 Indigenous languages will remain. The Hodenosaunee languages of Southern Ontario are not incl~ded among the list of languages that will survive the next 100 years. There are, without a doubt, complex challenges in the maintenance of Indigenous languages within a dominant-culture influenced environment. Given the increasing awareness of the social impact of linguistic integrity and preservation of languages on Indigenous people as a whole, this study considers how language is currently being used; the social, economic, and political implications of language shifting; the need to shift our social consciousness in order to understand the urgency in privileging our Hodenosaunee languages; as well as ways in which we might achieve those goals as individuals, as families, and as a community.

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This study explores the stories and experiences of second-generation Portuguese Canadian secondary school students in Southern Ontario, Canada. The purpose of this research was to understand the educational experiences of students, specifically the successes, challenges, and struggles that the participants faced within the education system. Questions were also asked about identity issues and how participants perceived their identities influencing their educational experiences. Six Portuguese Canadian students in grades 9 to 11 were interviewed twice. The interviews ranged from 45 minutes to 90 minutes in length. Data analysis of qualitative, open-ended interviews, research journals, field notes and curricular documents yielded understandings about the participants' experiences and challenges in the education system. Eight themes emerged from data that explored the realities of everyday life for second-generatiop Portuguese Canadian students. These themes include: influences of part-time work on schooling, parental involvement, the teacher is key, challenges and barriers, the importance of peers, Portuguese Canadian identity, lack of focus on identity in curricul:um content, and the dropout problem. Recommendations in this study include the need for more community-based programs to assist students. Furthermore, teachers are encouraged to utilize strategies and curriculum resources that engage learners and integrate their histories and identities. Educators are encouraged to question power dynamics both inside and outside the school system. There is also a need for further research with Portuguese Canadian students who are struggling in the education system as well as an examination of the number of hours that students work.

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In this thesis, by employing an autoethnographic methodology, I am exploring why certain understandings, or assemblages, of political engagement come to have greater meaning in my life and why other assemblages may be more hidden and thus fail to contribute substantially to the meaning of political in my life. Using immanent, Marxist and post-Marxist theories, as well as a zombie narrative, the study will contextualize the movement of assemblages in my life within late-stage capitalism which is juxtaposed with the zombie apocalypse. The placement and displacement of certain understandings of the political within my life will be theorized within the crisis of constituent power that is revealed in an immanent framework. Furthermore, the crisis of the constituent in late-stage capitalism creates new forms of radical alienation which will also be examined. By exploring my own struggles in becoming political I will theorize why political disengagement in emerging adulthood appears to be increasing, as well as possibilities for new forms of political engagement in a late-stage capitalist context.

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The purpose of this study was to explore the intersection of living in residential care, leisure engagement, and adolescent identity development. The investigation included the voices of six youth living in a residential care facility in southern Ontario. The data was collected through participant observations, semi-structured interviews, and document analysis. Moustakas’ (1994) modification of the Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method was used to analyze the data. The findings determined that living in residential care is rife with dialectical tensions that impact leisure and identity. The youth shared poignant narratives of how living in residential care was a stigmatizing experience that left them feeling restricted and isolated. They also shared their struggles with finding autonomy in a secured facility and managing the violent discourses of their peers. This research contributes to a burgeoning body of literature that explores the experiences of youth living in out-of-home care. Implications for practice and future research are discussed.

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The purpose of this qualitative case study was to understand a child’s experience with a learning disability (LD) through the way that they cope with it, and how self-esteem, self-efficacy, attribution style, and social support contribute to this process. Qualitative interviews were conducted with one child, his parents, and his teacher, accompanied by a content analysis of the child’s psychosocial assessment report. It was found that the child copes well with having a learning disability, employing a problem-focused/approach coping style by seeking help and practicing for skills he struggles with, an emotion-focused coping style by implementing strategies to alleviate frustration, and compartmentalizing his disability. Further, self-esteem, self-efficacy, attribution style, social support and sports and leisure engagement were found to contribute positively to the coping process. These findings offer useful implications for parents, teachers, and practitioners to support other students with LD.

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As the dementia spectrum lacks any viable cure, quality of life is typically regarded as an essential measure of assessing the clinical course and evaluating interventions. With caregivers typically providing this rating to health professionals, the literature has noted inconsistencies between caregiver and person with dementia (PwD) ratings of quality of life and suggested several factors may moderate the rating relationship. To investigate this, an intraclass correlation coefficient was calculated to observe rating agreement and moderator regression analysis was conducted to explore potential moderators. Potential moderators of caregiver burden, caregiver age, caregiver income, PwD IADLs/ADLs, PwD education, PwD cognitive impairment, PwD depressive symptom severity, PwD behavioural symptom severity, as well as relationship between caregiver and PwD. Utilizing secondary data from 107 recruited dyads, analyses conducted found fair agreement between caregivers and those with dementia while none of the hypothesized factors were found to moderate the rating relationship.

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Cet article propose une lecture critique de l’approche néorépublicaine de la reconnaissance et du projet d’une économie de l’estime, développé par Ph. Pettit et G. Brennan. Il vise à montrer en quoi la conception de la reconnaissance qui est celle de ce dernier est trop étroite, dans la mesure où elle va de pair avec une analyse insuffisante des conditions de la visibilité sociale des performances et capacités des agents, ainsi que de la manière dont les luttes de reconnaissance peuvent contribuer à une telle visibilité. Ce texte montre ainsi en quoi il convient d’élargir la conception néorépublicaine de la reconnaissance. Il vise aussi à dégager les limites du projet d’une économie de l’estime, en montrant ses lacunes eu égard à une réflexion suffisante sur les conditions d’un pluralisme des standards d’estime.