EU Multi-level Governance in the Making - The Community Initiative LEADER+ in Finland and Germany

In order to fully understand the process of European integration it is of paramount importance to consider developments at the sub-national and local level. EU integration scholars shifted their attention to the local level only at the beginning of the 1990s with the concept of multi-level governance (MLG). While MLG is the first concept to scrutinise the position of local levels of public administration and other actors within the EU polity, I perceive it as too optimistic in the degree of influence it ascribes to local levels. Thus, learning from and combining MLG with other concepts, such as structural constructivism, helps to reveal some of the hidden aspects of EU integration and paint a more realistic picture of multi-level interaction. This thesis also answers the call for more case studies in order to conceptualise MLG further. After a critical study of theories and concepts of European integration, above all, MLG, I will analyse sub-national and local government in Finland and Germany. I show how the sub-national level and local governments are embedded in the EU s multi-level structure of governance and how, through EU integration, those levels have been empowered but also how their scope of action has partially decreased. After theoretical and institutional contextualisation, I present the results of my empirical study of the EU s Community Initiative LEADER+. LEADER stands for Liaison Entre Actions de Développement de l'Économie Rurale , and aims at improving the economic conditions in Europe s rural areas. I was interested in how different actors construct and shape EU financed rural development, especially in how local actors organised in so-called local action groups (LAGs) cooperate with other administrative units within the LEADER+ administrative chain. I also examined intra-institutional relations within those groups, in order to find out who are the most influential and powerful actors within them. Empirical data on the Finnish and German LAGs was first gathered through a survey, which was then supplemented and completed by interviewing LAG members, LAG-managers, several civil servants from Finnish and German decision-making and managing authorities and a civil servant from the EU Commission. My main argument is that in both Germany and Finland, the Community Initiative LEADER+ offered a space for multi-level interaction and local-level involvement, a space that on the one hand consists of highly motivated people actively contributing to the improvement of the quality of life and economy in Europe s countryside but which is dependent and also restricted by national administrative practices, implementation approaches and cultures on the other. In Finland, the principle of tri-partition (kolmikantaperiaatte) in organising the executive committees of LAGs is very noticeable. In comparison to Germany, for instance, the representation of public administration in those committees is much more limited due to this principle. Furthermore, the mobilisation of local residents and the bringing together of actors from the local area with different social and institutional backgrounds to become an active part of LEADER+ was more successful in Finland than in Germany. Tri-partition as applied in Finland should serve as a model for similar policies in other EU member states. EU integration changed the formal and informal inter-institutional relations linking the different levels of government. The third sector including non-governmental institutions and interest groups gained access to policy-making processes and increasingly interact with government institutions at all levels of public administration. These developments do not necessarily result in the empowering of the local level.

Essays on Economic Integration and Labour Demand

This dissertation consists of an introductory section and three essays investigating the effects of economic integration on labour demand by using theoretical models and by empirical analysis. The essays adopt an intra-industry trade approach to specify a theoretical framework of estimation for determining the effects of economic integration on employment. In all the essays the empirical aim is to explore the labour demand consequences of European integration. The first essay analyzes how labour-demand elasticities with own price have changed during the process of economic integration. As a theoretical result, intensified trade competition increases labour-demand elasticity, whereas better advantage of economies of scale decreases labour-demand elasticity by decreasing the elasticity of substitution between differentiated products. Furthermore, if integration gives rise to an increase in input-substitutability and/or outsourcing activities, labour demand will become more elastic. Using data from the manufacturing sector from 1975 to 2002, the empirical results provide support for the hypothesis that European integration has contributed to increased elasticities of total labour demand in Finland. The second essay analyzes how economic integration affects the impact of welfare poli-cies on employment. The essay considers the viability of financing the public sector, i.e. public consumption and social security expenses, by general labour taxation in an economy which has become more integrated into international product markets. The theoretical results of the second essay indicate that, as increased trade competition crowds out better economies of scale, it becomes more costly to maintain welfare systems financed by labour taxation. Using data from European countries for the years 1975 to 2004, the empirical results provide inconsistent evidence for the hypothesis that economic integration has contributed to the distortion effects of welfare policies on employment. The third essay analyzes the impact of profit sharing on employment as a way to introduce wage flexibility into the process of economic integration. The results of the essay suggest that, in theory, the effects of economic integration on the impact of profit sharing on employment clearly depend on a trade-off between intensified competition and better advantage of economies of scale. If product market competition increases, the ability of profit sharing to improve employment through economic integration increases with moderated wages. While, the economic integration associating with market power in turn decrease the possibilities of profit sharing with higher wages to improve employment. Using data from the manufacturing sector for the years 1996 to 2004, the empirical results show that profit-sharing has a positive impact on employment during the process of European integration, but can have ambiguous effects on the stability of employment in Finland.

Reinventing Nordic Openness : Transparency and State Information in Finland

The study explores new ideational changes in the information strategy of the Finnish state between 1998 and 2007, after a juncture in Finnish governing in the early 1990s. The study scrutinizes the economic reframing of institutional openness in Finland that comes with significant and often unintended institutional consequences of transparency. Most notably, the constitutional principle of publicity (julkisuusperiaate), a Nordic institutional peculiarity allowing public access to state information, is now becoming an instrument of economic performance and accountability through results. Finland has a long institutional history in the publicity of government information, acknowledged by law since 1951. Nevertheless, access to government information became a policy concern in the mid-1990s, involving a historical narrative of openness as a Nordic tradition of Finnish governing Nordic openness (pohjoismainen avoimuus). International interest in transparency of governance has also marked an opening for institutional re-descriptions in Nordic context. The essential added value, or contradictory term, that transparency has on the Finnish conceptualisation of governing is the innovation that public acts of governing can be economically efficient. This is most apparent in the new attempts at providing standardised information on government and expressing it in numbers. In Finland, the publicity of government information has been a concept of democratic connotations, but new internationally diffusing ideas of performance and national economic competitiveness are discussed under the notion of transparency and its peer concepts openness and public (sector) information, which are also newcomers to Finnish vocabulary of governing. The above concepts often conflict with one another, paving the way to unintended consequences for the reforms conducted in their name. Moreover, the study argues that the policy concerns over openness and public sector information are linked to the new drive for transparency. Drawing on theories of new institutionalism, political economy, and conceptual history, the study argues for a reinvention of Nordic openness in two senses. First, in referring to institutional history, the policy discourse of Nordic openness discovers an administrative tradition in response to new dilemmas of public governance. Moreover, this normatively appealing discourse also legitimizes the new ideational changes. Second, a former mechanism of democratic accountability is being reframed with market and performance ideas, mostly originating from the sphere of transnational governance and governance indices. Mobilizing different research techniques and data (public documents of the Finnish government and international organizations, some 30 interviews of Finnish civil servants, and statistical time series), the study asks how the above ideational changes have been possible, pointing to the importance of nationalistically appealing historical narratives and normative concepts of governing. Concerning institutional developments, the study analyses the ideational changes in central steering mechanisms (political, normative and financial steering) and the introduction of budget transparency and performance management in two cases: census data (Population Register Centre) and foreign political information (Ministry for Foreign Affairs). The new policy domain of governance indices is also explored as a type of transparency. The study further asks what institutional transformations are to be observed in the above cases and in the accountability system. The study concludes that while the information rights of citizens have been reinforced and recalibrated during the period under scrutiny, there has also been a conversion of institutional practices towards economic performance. As the discourse of Nordic openness has been rather unquestioned, the new internationally circulating ideas of transparency and the knowledge economy have entered this discourse without public notice. Since the mid 1990s, state registry data has been perceived as an exploitable economic resource in Finland and in the EU public sector information. This is a parallel development to the new drive for budget transparency in organisations as vital to the state as the Population Register Centre, which has led to marketization of census data in Finland, an international exceptionality. In the Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the post-Cold War rhetorical shift from secrecy to performance-driven openness marked a conversion in institutional practices that now see information services with high regards. But this has not necessarily led to the increased publicity of foreign political information. In this context, openness is also defined as sharing information with select actors, as a trust based non-public activity, deemed necessary amid the global economic competition. Regarding accountability system, deliberation and performance now overlap, making it increasingly difficult to identify to whom and for what the public administration is accountable. These evolving institutional practices are characterised by unintended consequences and paradoxes. History is a paradoxical component in the above institutional change, as long-term institutional developments now justify short-term reforms.

Näkökulmia eurooppalaiseen sosiaalipolitiikkaan : malli, väestö, resurssit ja kommunikaatio

The study analyses European social policy as a political project that proceeds under the guidance of the European Commission. In the name of modernisation, the project aims to build a new idea for the welfare state. To understand the project, it is necessary to distance oneself from both the juridical competence of the European Union and the traditional national welfare state models. The question is about sharing problems, as well as solutions to them: it is the creation and sharing of common views, concepts and images that play a key role in European integration. Drawing on texts and speeches produced by the European Commission, the study throws light on the development of European social policy during the first years of the 2000s. The study "freeze-frames" the welfare debate having its starting points in the nation states in the name of the entity of Europe. The first article approaches the European social model as a story in itself, a preparatory, persuasive narrative that concerns the management of change. The article shows how the audience can be motivated to work towards a set target by using discursive elements in a persuasive manner: the function of a persuasive story is to convince the target audience of the appropriateness of the chosen direction and to shape their identity so that they are favourably disposed to the desired political targets. This is a kind of "intermediate state" where the story, despite its inner contradictions and inaccuracies, succeeds in appearing as an almost self-evident path towards a modern social policy that Europe is currently seen to be in need of. The second article outlines the European social model as a question of governance. Health as a sector of social policy is detached from the old political order, which was based on the welfare state, and is closely linked to economy. At the same time the population is primarily seen as an economic resource. The Commission is working towards a "Europe of Health" that grapples with the problem of governance with the help of the "healthisation" of society, healthy citizenship and health economics. The way the Commission speaks is guided by the Union's powerful interest to act as "Europe" in the field of welfare policy. At the same time, the traditional separateness of health policy is effaced in order to be able to make health policy reforms a part of the Union's wider modernisation targets. The third article then shows the European social policy as its own area of governance. The article uses an approach based on critical discourse analysis in examining the classification systems and presentation styles adopted by Commission communications, as well as the identities that they help build. In analysing the "new start" of the Lisbon strategy from the perspective of social policy, the article shows how the emphasis has shifted from the persuasive arguments for change with necessary common European targets in the early stages of the strategy towards the implementation of reforms: from a narrative to a vision and from a diagnosis to healing. The phase of global competition represents "the modern" with which European society with its culture and ways of life now has to be matched. The Lisbon strategy is a way to direct this societal change, thus building a modern European social policy. The fourth article describes how the Commission uses its communications policy to build practices and techniques of governance and how it persuades citizens to participate in the creation of a European project of change. This also requires a new kind of agency: agents for whom accountability and responsibilities mean integration into and commitment to European society. Accountability is shaped into a decisive factor in implementing the European Union's strategy of change. As such it will displace hierarchical confrontations and emphasise common action with a view to modernising Europe. However, the Union's discourse cannot be described as being a political language that would genuinely rouse and convince the audience at the level of everyday life. Keywords: European social policy, EU policy, European social model, European Commission, modernisation of welfare, welfare state, communications, discoursiveness.

A Success Story or a Failure? : Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries

The economic, political and social face of Europe has been changing rapidly in the past decades. These changes are unique in the history of Europe, but not without challenges for the nation states. The support for the European integration varies among the countries. In order to understand why certain developments or changes are perceived as threatening or as desired by different member countries, we must consider the social representations of the European integration on the national level: how the EU is represented to its citizens in media and in educational systems, particularly in the curricula and textbooks. The current study is concerned with the social representations of the European integration in the curricula and school textbooks in five European countries: France, Britain, Germany, Finland and Sweden. Besides that, the first volume of the common Franco-German history textbook was analyzed, since it has been seen as a model for a common European history textbook. As the collective representations, values and identities are dominantly mediated and imposed through media and educational systems, the national curricula and textbooks make an interesting starting point for the study of the European integration and of national and European identities. The social representations theory provides a comprehensive framework for the study of the European integration. By analyzing the curricula and history and civics textbooks of major educational publishers, the study aimed to demonstrate what is written on the European integration and how it is portrayed how the European integration is understood, made familiar and concretized in the educational context in the five European countries. To grasp the phenomenon of the European integration in the textbooks in its entirety, it was investigated from various perspectives. The two analysis methods of content analysis, the automatic analysis with ALCESTE and a more qualitative theory-driven content analysis, were carried out to give a more vivid and multifaceted picture of the object of the research. The analysis of the text was complemented with the analysis of visual material. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative methods, the contents, processes, visual images, transformations and structures of the social representations of European integration, as well as the communicative styles of the textbooks were examined. This study showed the divergent social representations of the European integration, anchored in the nation states, in the five member countries of the European Union. The social representations were constructed around different central core elements: French Europe in the French textbooks, Ambivalent Europe in the British textbooks, Influential and Unifying EU in the German textbooks, Enabling and Threatening EU in the Finnish textbooks, Sceptical EU in the Swedish textbooks and EU as a World Model in the Franco-German textbook. Some elements of the representations were shared by all countries such as peace and economic aspects of the European cooperation, whereas other elements of representations were found more frequently in some countries than in others, such as ideological, threatening or social components of the phenomenon European integration. The study also demonstrated the linkage between social representations of the EU and national and European identities. The findings of this study are applicable to the study of the European integration, to the study of education, as well as to the social representation theory.

Towards a United States of Africa? Combining Zambian and AU level debate.

Globalisaatio on luonut uuden maailmanjärjestelmän jonka myötä yksittäisten valtioiden vaikutusvalta on vähentynyt entisestään. Tämä pitää paikkansa erityisesti kehittyvien maiden kohdalla, esimerkiksi Afrikassa. Afrikka on pyrkinyt taistelemaan globalisaation tuomia negatiivisia vaikutuksia vastaan alueellistumisen ja maanosan yhtenäisyyttä ajavien hankkeiden kautta jo vuosikymmenien ajan, mutta toistaiseksi tulokset eivät ole olleet vakuttavia. Tällä hetkellä Afrikan Unionissa keskustellaan hankkeesta muodostaa Afrikan Yhdysvallat. Aiemmista hankkeista poiketen tämän uuden aloitteen ajatus perustuu ylikansallisuudelle, jossa yksittäiset valtiot luovuttavat valtaansa ylikansallisille elimille, kuten Afrikan Unionin hallitukselle. Näin ollen on tärkeää tarkastella aloitetta Afrikan Yhdysvaltojen perustamiseksi ja arvioida, voisiko tällainen ylikansallinen organisaatio auttaa Afrikkaa kääntämään globalisaation haittavaikutukset myönteisiksi. Tämä Pro Gradu-tutkielma väittää sen olevan mahdollista, mutta vain siinä tapauksessa että Afrikka on valmis hyväksymään yhtenäisyyden rajoitukset. Aiemman tutkimuksen vähyyden vuoksi on myös tarpeen tutkia Afrikan Yhdysvalloista kansallisilla tasoilla käytävää keskustelua. Tämän vuoksi tässä tutkielmassa painotetaan esimerkkimaa Sambian kautta yhden Afrikan Unionin jäsenmaan keskinäistä keskustelua aiheesta ja verrataan sitä Afrikan Unionin tason keskusteluun. Tutkielma sisältää kirjallisuuskatsauksen sekä tapaustutkimuksen. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu sambialaisista sanomalehtiotteista sekä Sambian valtion ja Afrikan Unionin virallisista asiakirjoista. Pääasiallisena tutkimusmenetelmänä on laadullinen sisällönanalyysi. Teoreettinen viitekehys perustuu afrikkalaisen valtion ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan, alueellistumisen, globalisaation hallinnan, pan-afrikkalaisuuden ja poliittisen integraation teorioihin sekä historialliseen katsaukseen Afrikan yhtenäisyydestä. Perimmäisenä tarkoituksena on lisätä ymmärrystä afrikkalaisesta valtiosta ja politiikasta. Tutkimuksen tulosten mukaan on havaittavissa aukko valtioiden virallisten toimijoiden näkemysten ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan huolenaiheiden välillä. Viralliset toimijat näyttävät olevan kansalaisyhteiskuntaa vahvemmin Afrikan Yhdysvaltojen kannalla. Virallisten toimijoiden korostaessa Afrikan aatteellista yhtenäisyyttä kansalaisyhteiskunta on huolissaan sen toteutumisesta käytännössä. Esiin nousee myös kysymys 'afrikkalaisesta' identiteetistä ja kansalaisuudesta sekä kommunikaatiosta valtion ja kansalaisten välillä.

Nile Basin Initiative diskursiivisena areenana

Pro gradu -tutkielma käsittelee Niilin alueen poliittista kehitystä käyttäen viitekehyksenä Barry Buzanin, Ole Wæverin sekä Jaap de Wilden muodostaman Kööpenhaminan koulukunnan teoriaa turvallistamisesta sekä turvallisuuskomplekseista. Niilin kymmenen valtiota kattavan jokialueen poliittista historiaa on vuosikymmenet hallinnut valtioiden välinen epäluottamus, ja erityisesti Egypti, joka on täysin riippuvainen Niilin vesivaroista, on julistanut Niilin vesivarojen olevan sille kansallinen turvallisuuskysymys, ja se on uhannut käyttää myös voimakeinoja puolustaakseen vedenkäyttöoikeuksiaan. Egyptiä on myös voitu Niilin alueen hegemonina, sillä vanhat, alun perin siirtomaa-ajalta peräisin olevat sopimukset ovat antaneet sille lähes yksinoikeuden Niilin vesivarojen käyttöön. Samanaikaisesti erityisesti Etiopia, jonka alueelta suurin osa joen vesivaroista on peräisin, on pitänyt vanhoja sopimuksia epäreiluina, ja vedonnut maassa kasvavaan nälänhätään ja ruokapulaan, mutta myös useat muut alueen valtiot ovat esittäneet tyytymättömyytensä vanhoihin sopimuksiin. Vuonna 1999 kehityksessä tapahtui kuitenkin käänne, sillä jokilaakson valtiot perustivat tuolloin Niilin jokialueen yhteistyöjärjestön Nile Basin Initiativen (NBI). Tutkielma keskittyy NBI:n perustamisen jälkeiseen ajanjaksoon. Keskeinen tutkimuskysymys on, millä tavalla Niilin alueen jäsenvaltiot pyrkivät 2000-luvun alkupuolella keskinäisellä toiminnallaan muuttamaan alueella vallitsevaa kilpailu- ja konfliktiasetelmaa rauhanomaiseen suuntaan. Aineistona käytetään NBI:n omia kausijulkaisuja vuosilta 2006–2010, ja tutkimuksen menetelmänä käytetään diskurssianalyysia. Tutkitun aineiston perusteella on esitettävissä, että Niilin alueen poliittisesta kehityksestä on selvästi erotettavissa diskursseja, jotka ovat NBI:n toiminnan taustalla. Nämä ovat luottamuksen rakentamisen, yhteisten haasteiden voittamisen, yhteistyön tärkeyden sekä saavutusten diskurssit. Aineiston perusteella on nähtävissä, että valtioiden välisen luottamuksen vähitellen lisääntyessä yhteistyötä aletaan yhä enemmän legitimoida aikaisemmin yhteistyöstä saavutetuilla hyödyillä. Toisaalta diskurssianalyysin perusteella on myös nähtävissä, että alueella on ratkaisematta yhä fundamentaalisia ongelmia; uutta vesisopimusta ei ole vielä vuoteen 2010 mennessä aikaansaatu ja NBI:n jäsenvaltioiden suhteissa on myös nähtävissä kiistaa periaatteista, joihin yhteistyön olisi pohjauduttava. Tutkielma pyrkii analyysin avulla kehittämään myös Kööpenhaminan koulukunnan teoriaa turvallistamisesta. Kööpenhaminan koulukunta jättää turvallistamisen purkamiskehityksen kirjoituksissaan taka-alalle keskustelun painottuessa siihen, kuinka jokin asia tuodaan esille julkiseen turvallisuuskeskusteluun. Tältä osin tutkimuksen tavoitteena on esittää mahdollinen kehityskulku turvallistamisen purkamisdiskurssista. Teoriaosuudessa käytetyt keskeiset lähteet: Allan 2001,2009; Buzan 1991; Buzan ja Wæver 2003; Buzan, Wæver ja de Wilde 1998; Jutila 2008; Schulz 1995; Stritzel 2007; Turton 2001; Wæver 1995; Wendt 1992, 1999.

Hirsitaloteollisuuden kehityshaasteet

Pientalobarometri 2/2008 ennustaa omakotitalorakentamisen jatkavan laskuaan rakentamiskustannusten kasvamisesta, kaavoituksesta, tonttitarjonnasta ja talouden tilasta johtuen. Kustannusten odotetaan edelleen nousevan mm. energia­tehokkuuden kohentumisen myötä. Työ- ja elinkeinoministeriön Puutalojen ja rakennuspuusepäntuotteiden valmistus –toimialaraportissa 2008 oletetaan myös, että lämmöneristysvaatimukset ovat saattaneet lisätä massiivihirsitalojen kysyntää, koska uusien määräysten voimaantulon jälkeen niitä ei mahdollisesti enää tehdä. Kehityksen voidaan olettaa johtavan rakennusten koon ja varustetason järkevöittämiseen. Oma­koti­talorakentamisen tarpeeksi pientalobarometri laskee 20 000 asuntoaloitusta, mutta toimialaraportissa määrän arvioidaan vuonna 2008 jäävän 12 500 oma­kotitalon aloitukseen. Avaimet käteen –rakentaminen on kasvusuunnassa ja talo­paketit ovat kehittymässä selvemmiksi rakennusosakokonaisuuksiksi. Pientalobarometri kertoo suomalaisten toivovan yksilöllisyyttä. Talotehtaiden toimituksista yksilöllisiä suunnitteluratkaisuja on kolmannes ja tyyppimuunnoksia puolet. Valmisosatalojen osuus asunnoista on noin 68 % ja teollisen hirren osuus valmisosatalojen markkinoista on nyt kutakuinkin samoissa 10 % lukemissa kuin 20 vuotta sitten. Korkeimmillaan teollisen hirren osuus valmisosataloista kävi 17 % tasolla kymmenen vuotta sitten, vuosina 1995 ja 1996. Siporex-, betoni,- tiili- ja harkkotalojen osuus on noussut kahdessakymmenessä vuodessa 4 %:sta 12 %:iin ja precut-talojen osuus 2 %:sta 16 %:iin, kun taas puuelementtien osuus on laskenut 85 %:sta 62 %:iin. Talopaketin keskimääräinen kuluttajahinta on Toimialaraportin mukaan noin 83 000 euroa ja niitä valmistuu vuodessa alle 10 000. Talopakettimarkkinat ovat Pientalobarometrin mukaan vuonna 2008 hieman laskeneet vuosien 2006 ja 2007 huippulukemista alle 800 miljoonan euron. Teollisten hirsivalmistajien liikevaihto laski myös vuodesta 2007 alle 350 miljoonan. Toimialaraportin mukaan puutalojen valmistus työllistää vajaa 4000 henkeä 251 toimipaikassa (2006). Alan liikevaihto vuonna 2006 oli 812 miljoonaa euroa ja viennin arvo 178 miljoonaa euroa. Viennin kasvun todettiin riippuvan hirsitaloteollisuudesta. Viennin kannalta tärkeitä alueita ovat Keski-Eurooppa, Venäjä, Japani ja Pohjoismaat. Puutalojen vienti on Toimialaraportin mukaan kohonnut 90-luvun alun noin 30 miljoonasta yli 200 miljoonaan euroon, josta hirsitalojen viennin arvo ylittää 160 miljoonaa. Tutkimus- ja kehittämiskuluiksi arvioidaan puutalon valmistajilla 0–2 % tuotannon arvosta. Puutalojen mediaanikäyttökate oli Toimialaraportin mukaan vuonna 2006 noin 6 % kun teollisuuden vastaava luku on 10 %. Finnveran tilastointi hirsitalojen kustannusrakenteesta ja kannattavuudesta ei poikkea tästä, vaan hirsitalojen käyttökatteeksi ilmoitetaan 6,4 % ja kokonaistulokseksi 3,4 % vuonna 2007. Toimialaraportin mukaan teollisuuden omavaraisuusaste on noin 43 % kun taas puutaloteollisuuden omavaraisuusaste jää 26,5 %:iin ja hirsitalojen Finnveran mukaan 27,7 %:iin. Hirsitaloja valmistaa Toimialaraportin mukaan noin 150 yritystä. Alan kahden suurimman yrityksen osuus on lähes puolet koko alan liikevaihdosta.

Kädestä suuhun : Makro- ja mikrotaloudellinen tarkastelu suomalaisten kotitalouksien säästämisestä ja sen mittaamisesta 1950-luvulla

This study is divided into two parts: a methodological part and a part which focuses on the saving of households. In the 1950 s both the concepts as well as the household surveys themselves went through a rapid change. The development of national accounts was motivated by the Keynesian theory and the 1940 s and 1950 s were an important time for the development of the national accounts. Before this, saving was understood as cash money or money deposited in bank accounts but the changes in this era led to the establishment of the modern saving concept. Separate from the development of national accounts, household surveys were established. Household surveys have been conducted in Finland from the beginning of the 20th century. At that time surveys were conducted in order to observe the working class living standard and as a result, these were based on the tradition of welfare studies. Also a motivation for undertaking the studies was to estimate weights for the consumer price index. A final reason underpinning the government s interest in observing this data regarded whether there were any reasons for the working class to become radicalised and therefore adopt revolutionary ideas. As the need for the economic analysis increased and the data requirements underlying the political decision making process also expanded, the two traditions and thus, the two data sources started to integrate. In the 1950s the household surveys were compiled distinctly from the national accounts and they were virtually unaffected by economic theory. The 1966 survey was the first study that was clearly motivated by national accounts and saving analysis. This study also covered the whole population rather than it being limited to just part of it. It is essential to note that the integration of these two traditions is still continuing. This recently took a big step forward as the Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi Committee Report was introduced and thus, the criticism of the current measure of welfare was taken seriously. The Stiglitz report emphasises that the focus in the measurement of welfare should be on the households and the macro as well as micro perspective should be included in the analysis. In this study the national accounts are applied to the household survey data from the years 1950-51, 1955-56 and 1959-60. The first two studies cover the working population of towns and market towns and the last survey covers the population of rural areas. The analysis is performed at three levels: macro economic level, meso level, i.e. at the level of different types of households, and micro level, i.e. at the level of individual households. As a result it analyses how the different households saved and consumed and how that changed during the 1950 s.

Mahdollisuus vai välttämätön paha? Suomalaisten puolueiden keskeiset näkemykset sosiaalisesta Euroopasta Suomen EU-jäsenyyden aikana

Suomi on ollut Euroopan unionin jäsen vuodesta 1995 lähtien. Tuona aikana maamme on osallistunut neljiin Euroopan parlamentin vaaleihin vuosina 1996, 1999, 2004 ja 2009. Kussakin vaalissa kahdeksan Suomen suurinta puoluetta on julkaissut eurovaaliohjelman, joihin on tiivistetty puolueiden tärkeimmät eurooppapoliittiset kannat. Tutkielma selvittää, kuinka EU-tasolla jatkuvasti suositummiksi teemoiksi nousevat, nykyään ”sosiaalisen Euroopan” (aiemmin sosiaalinen ulottuvuus tai malli) käsitteeseen kytkeytyvät näkemykset ovat olleet esillä suurimpien suomalaisten puolueiden eurovaaliohjelmissa ja mitä puolueet ovat käsitettä käyttäessään sillä tarkoittaneet. Tutkimuksen aineistona toimivat puolueiden eurovaaliohjelmat vuosilta 1996–2009 ja aineistoa täydentävät haastatteluin kerätyt asiantuntijalausunnot liittyen puolueiden suhtautumiseen sosiaalista Eurooppaa kohtaan. Tutkimusmenetelmänä on käytetty teoriaohjaavaa sisällönanalyysiä, jossa taustalla vaikuttaa niin koti- kuin ulkomainenkin teoreettinen tutkimus Euroopan unionin sosiaalipolitiikasta, mutta jossa aikaisemman tiedon merkitys ei ole teoriaa testaava, vaan ennen kaikkea uusia ajatuksia luova. Tutkimus hahmottaa suomalaisten puolueiden EU-tasoisen sosiaalipolitiikan ajattelua ja selventää sosiaalisen Euroopan käsitettä poliittisissa puheissa esiintyvänä iskusanana. Sosiaalisen Euroopan käsite on laaja ja väljä, sisältäen eri politiikkoja ihmisen elinkaaren lapsuudesta vanhuuteen asti. Vaaliohjelmien perusteella käsite rajautuu pääasiassa työelämään liittyvään puheeseen ja muut sosiaalisen Euroopan teemat, kuten koulutuspolitiikka tai tasaarvokysymykset esiintyvät ohjelmissa mainintojen tasolla. Tutkielmassa esitellyt puolueiden EU-tasoiset sosiaalipoliittiset näkemykset ovat muuttuneet ajallisesti Suomen EU-jäsenyyden aikana ratkaisevasti vasta vuoden 2009 eurovaaleissa, joissa sosiaalisen Euroopan teemat olivat läsnä edeltäneitä vaaleja vahvemmin. Puolueet eroavat toisistaan selvimmin siinä, kuinka halukkaita ne ovat olleet sosiaalista Eurooppaa edistämään ja toisaalta, mille ihmisryhmille kunkin puolueen sosiaalinen Eurooppa on ollut inklusoiva. Suomalaisten puolueiden vaaliohjelmista oli löydettävissä paljon sisäisiä samankaltaisuuksia ja pääasiassa puolueiden näkemys sosiaalisesta Euroopasta esittäytyi tasapainoiluna kahden pohdinnan välillä: kaikki puolueet kannattivat suomalaisen hyvinvointivaltion säilyttämistä ja tukemista, lisäksi puolueet olivat joko myöntyväisiä tai vastustivat lähtemistä mukaan eurooppalaisen sosiaalipolitiikan standardien harmonisointiin. Näin ollen EU:n toimivallan kasvattamista sosiaalipolitiikan alueella tietyissä rajoissa kannatettiin tai vieroksuttiin. Sosiaalinen Eurooppa voi tarkoittaa yhtäältä kaikkia niitä politiikan aloja ja käytännön toimia niihin liittyen, joita tässä tutkielmassa on esitetty, mutta toisaalta sen voidaan myös nähdä olevan suurempi ideologinen siirtymä kohti sosiaalisempaa Euroopan unionia, jossa talouden lainalaisuuksien ohella inhimillinen näkökulma kulkee vahvasti mukana kaikessa unionin politiikassa. Tällöin sosiaalisen Euroopan käsite on ennemmin puheen kuin käytännön tasoinen eurooppalaista yhtenäisyyttä rakentamaan pyrkivä käsite.

Patents, Ethics and Stem Cell Research : The Case of hESC Innovation in Australia, Europe and the United States

Embryonic stem cells offer potentially a ground-breaking insight into health and diseases and are said to offer hope in discovering cures for many ailments unimaginable few years ago. Human embryonic stem cells are undifferentiated, immature cells that possess an amazing ability to develop into almost any body cell such as heart muscle, bone, nerve and blood cells and possibly even organs in due course. This remarkable feature, enabling embryonic stem cells to proliferate indefinitely in vitro (in a test tube), has branded them as a so-called miracle cure . Their potential use in clinical applications provides hope to many sufferers of debilitating and fatal medical conditions. However, the emergence of stem cell research has resulted in intense debates about its promises and dangers. On the one hand, advocates hail its potential, ranging from alleviating and even curing fatal and debilitating diseases such as Parkinson s, diabetes, heart ailments and so forth. On the other hand, opponents decry its dangers, drawing attention to the inherent risks of human embryo destruction, cloning for research purposes and reproductive cloning eventually. Lately, however, the policy battles surrounding human embryonic stem cell innovation have shifted from being a controversial research to scuffles within intellectual property rights. In fact, the ability to obtain patents represents a pivotal factor in the economic success or failure of this new biotechnology. Although, stem cell patents tend to more or less satisfy the standard patentability requirements, they also raise serious ethical and moral questions about the meaning of the exclusions on ethical or moral grounds as found in European and to an extent American and Australian patent laws. At present there is a sort of a calamity over human embryonic stem cell patents in Europe and to an extent in Australia and the United States. This in turn has created a sense of urgency to engage all relevant parties in the discourse on how best to approach patenting of this new form of scientific innovation. In essence, this should become a highly favoured patenting priority. To the contrary, stem cell innovation and its reliance on patent protection risk turmoil, uncertainty, confusion and even a halt on not only stem cell research but also further emerging biotechnology research and development. The patent system is premised upon the fundamental principle of balance which ought to ensure that the temporary monopoly awarded to the inventor equals that of the social benefit provided by the disclosure of the invention. Ensuring and maintaining this balance within the patent system when patenting human embryonic stem cells is of crucial contemporary relevance. Yet, the patenting of human embryonic stem cells raises some fundamental moral, social and legal questions. Overall, the present approach of patenting human embryonic stem cell related inventions is unsatisfactory and ineffective. This draws attention to a specific question which provides for a conceptual framework for this work. That question is the following: how can the investigated patent offices successfully deal with patentability of human embryonic stem cells? This in turn points at the thorny issue of application of the morality clause in this field. In particular, the interpretation of the exclusions on ethical or moral grounds as found in Australian, American and European legislative and judicial precedents. The Thesis seeks to compare laws and legal practices surrounding patentability of human embryonic stem cells in Australia and the United States with that of Europe. By using Europe as the primary case study for lessons and guidance, the central goal of the Thesis then becomes the determination of the type of solutions available to Europe with prospects to apply such to Australia and the United States. The Dissertation purports to define the ethical implications that arise with patenting human embryonic stem cells and intends to offer resolutions to the key ethical dilemmas surrounding patentability of human embryonic stem cells and other morally controversial biotechnology inventions. In particular, the Thesis goal is to propose a functional framework that may be used as a benchmark for an informed discussion on the solution to resolving ethical and legal tensions that come with patentability of human embryonic stem cells in Australian, American and European patent worlds. Key research questions that arise from these objectives and which continuously thread throughout the monograph are: 1. How do common law countries such as Australia and the United States approach and deal with patentability of human embryonic stem cells in their jurisdictions? These practices are then compared to the situation in Europe as represented by the United Kingdom (first two chapters), the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Patent Office decisions (Chapter 3 onwards) in order to obtain a full picture of the present patenting procedures on the European soil. 2. How are ethical and moral considerations taken into account at patent offices investigated when assessing patentability of human embryonic stem cell related inventions? In order to assess this part, the Thesis evaluates how ethical issues that arise with patent applications are dealt with by: a) Legislative history of the modern patent system from its inception in 15th Century England to present day patent laws. b) Australian, American and European patent offices presently and in the past, including other relevant legal precedents on the subject matter. c) Normative ethical theories. d) The notion of human dignity used as the lowest common denominator for the interpretation of the European morality clause. 3. Given the existence of the morality clause in form of Article 6(1) of the Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 July 1998 on the legal protection of biotechnological inventions which corresponds to Article 53(a) European Patent Convention, a special emphasis is put on Europe as a guiding principle for Australia and the United States. Any room for improvement of the European morality clause and Europe s current manner of evaluating ethical tensions surrounding human embryonic stem cell inventions is examined. 4. A summary of options (as represented by Australia, the United States and Europe) available as a basis for the optimal examination procedure of human embryonic stem cell inventions is depicted, whereas the best of such alternatives is deduced in order to create a benchmark framework. This framework is then utilised on and promoted as a tool to assist Europe (as represented by the European Patent Office) in examining human embryonic stem cell patent applications. This method suggests a possibility of implementing an institution solution. 5. Ultimately, a question of whether such reformed European patent system can be used as a founding stone for a potential patent reform in Australia and the United States when examining human embryonic stem cells or other morally controversial inventions is surveyed. The author wishes to emphasise that the guiding thought while carrying out this work is to convey the significance of identifying, analysing and clarifying the ethical tensions surrounding patenting human embryonic stem cells and ultimately present a solution that adequately assesses patentability of human embryonic stem cell inventions and related biotechnologies. In answering the key questions above, the Thesis strives to contribute to the broader stem cell debate about how and to which extent ethical and social positions should be integrated into the patenting procedure in pluralistic and morally divided democracies of Europe and subsequently Australia and the United States.

Viljakylvösiemensektorin toimintaedellytykset

Viljakylvösiemensektorin toimintaympäristön muutoksiin on hyvä valmistautua ennalta ja pohtia toimintatapoja, joiden turvin toimia muuttuvassa toimintaympäristössä. Suomen kylvösiemenmarkkinat ovat pienentyneet voimakkaasti 1980-luvun lopulta lähtien. 2000-luvulla sertifioidun siemenen käyttöaste on ollut keskimäärin vain 30 % ja viljojen kohdalla käyttöaste on ollut tätäkin alhaisempi. Tulevaisuudessa yhteisen maatalouspolitiikan uudistukset, kiristyvä kilpailu, ilmastonmuutos, teknologian kehitys, kulutustottumusten muutokset sekä lähivuosina uudistava EU:n siemenlainsäädäntö tulevat muokkaamaan alan toimintaympäristöä. Jotta tulevaisuuden haasteisiin voidaan vastata, kartoitettiin tutkimuksessa asiantuntijoiden näkemyksiä siitä, mitkä ovat tuotantoketjun ongelmakohdat sekä alan toiminnan edistämismahdollisuudet. Työn teoreettisena viitekehyksenä oli toimialan taloustiede. Teorian rakennetta käytettiin siemenalan ongelmakohtien jäsentämiseen ja toimenpide-ehdotusten kartoittamiseen. Asiantuntijat näkivät sertifioidun siemenen heikkoon kysyntään vaikuttavan korvaavien tuotteiden, eli tilan oman kylvösiemen ja sertifioimattomana markkinoidun kylvösiemenen ns. harmaan siemenen, yleisyys. Tilan oman siemenen kohdalla suurin epäkohta on sen arvottamisessa. Harmaan siemenen käytön suosioon vaikuttavat sen edullisuuden lisäksi myös kaupan asiakaslähtöisyys. Sertifioidun siemenen kysyntää heikentävät myös puutteelliset markkinointitavat, kausivaihtelu sekä siemenmyyjien tietämättömyys viljelijöiden ostokäyttäytymisestä. Tarjonnan epäkohdiksi nousivat siemenestä saatava hinta, tuotantotekijäsidonnaisuus sekä hukkakauran leviäminen. Siemenestä saatu hinta ei aina riitä kattamaan paljon tuotantotekijöitä vaativan siementuotannon kustannuksia. Myös hukkakauran leviäminen vaikeuttaa ja rajoittaa tuotannon lisäämistä. Lisäksi siemenketjun kannalta ongelmia aiheuttivat teknologian ja tuotantoprosessien myönteinen mutta hidas kehitys. Markkinan rakenteen ongelmakohtina olivat markkinoiden oligopolisuisuus sekä tuotteiden tehoton erilaistaminen asiakkaiden tarpeiden mukaisesti. Alan yritysrakenteen todettiin olevan pienyritysvaltainen ja osin tehoton, vaikka rakennekehitystä onkin viime vuosina tapahtunut. Alalle tulon esteet liittyvät siemenviljelijöiden ja -pakkaajien kohdalla läheisesti tuotantotekijäsidonnaisuuteen sekä hukkakauran leviämiseen ja hukkakauralainsäädäntöön. Vastaavasti Suomen syrjäinen sijainti ja ilmasto- olosuhteet ovat pitäneet ulkomaisen kilpailun vähäisenä. Toimialan kustannusten todettiin jakaantuneen epätasaisesti siemenketjun toimijoiden välillä. Kustannusrakenteen todettiin olevan nykyisellään kestämätön ja tilanteen todettiin korjaantuvan ainoastaan tuntuvalla volyymin kasvulla. Lisäksi toimijoiden välinen vertikaalinen integraatio nähtiin vähäiseksi, vaikka sillä olisi merkittävä vaikutus tuotannon kannattavuuteen. Asiantuntijat näkivät maatalouspolitiikan sekä markkinoiden ja talouden muutosten etenevän eri suuntiin. Suurimpina epäkohtina nousivat siementuotannon tuen loppuminen sekä lainsäädännön asettamat rajoitukset. Lisäksi isona ongelmana pidettiin ulkoisen tiedottamisen tehottomuutta. Tutkimuksen perusteella viljakylvösiemensektorin toimintaedellytykset liittyvät pääasiallisesti markkinointiosaamisen ja informoinnin kehittämiseen sekä verkostoitumisen lisäämiseen. Tärkeänä osana toimintaedellytysten turvaamisessa on myös vaikuttaminen tulevaan EU:n siemenlainsäädäntöön siten, että kansalliset poikkeukset olisivat mahdollisia myös tulevaisuudessa.

Genomic alterations in Myeloproliferative Neoplasms and Myelodysplastic Syndromes

Myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPN) and myelodysplastic syndromes (MDS) are a heterogeneous group of clonal hematopoietic disorders whose etiology and molecular pathogenesis are poorly understood. During the past decade, enormous developments in microarray technology and bioinformatics methods have made it possible to mine novel molecular alterations in a large number of malignancies, including MPN and MDS, which has facilitated the detection of new prognostic, predictive and therapeutic biomarkers for disease stratification. By applying novel microarray techniques, we profiled copy number alterations and microRNA (miRNA) expression changes in bone marrow aspirate and blood samples. In addition, we set up and validated an miRNA expression test for bone marrow core biopsies in order to utilize the large archive material available in many laboratories. We also tested JAK2 mutation status and compare it with the in vitro growth pattern of hematologic progenitors cells. In the study focusing on 100 MPN cases, we detected a Janus kinase 2 (JAK2) mutation in 71 cases. We observed spontaneous erythroid colony growth in all mutation-positive cases in addition to nine mutation negative cases. Interestingly, seven JAK2V167F negative ET cases showed spontaneous megakaryocyte colony formation, one case of which also harbored a myeloproliferative leukemia virus oncogene (MPL) mutation. We studied copy number alterations in 35 MPN and 37 MDS cases by using oligonucleotide-based array comparative hybridization (array CGH). Only one essential thrombocythemia (ET) case presented copy number alterations in chromosomes 1q and 13q. In contrast, MDS cases were characterized by numerous novel cryptic chromosomal aberrations with the most common copy number losses at 5q21.3q33.1 and 7q22.1q33, while the most common copy number gain was trisomy 8. As for the study of the bone marrow core biopsy samples, we showed that even though these samples were embedded in paraffin and underwent decalcification, they were reliable sources of miRNA and suitable for array expression analysis. Further, when studying the miRNA expression profiles of the 19 MDS cases, we found that, compared to controls, two miRNAs (one human Epstein-Barr virus (miR-BART13) miRNA and one human (has-miR-671-5p) miRNA) were downregulated, whereas two other miRNAs (hsa-miR-720 and hsa-miR-21) were upregulated. However, we could find no correlation between copy number alterations and microRNA expression when integrating these two data. This thesis brings to light new information about genomic changes implicated in the development of MPN and MDS, and also underlines the power of applying genome-wide array screening techniques in neoplasias. Rapid advances in molecular techniques and the integration of different genomic data will enable the discovery of the biological contexts of many complex disorders, including myeloid neoplasias.