32 resultados para Babylonians
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes index.
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Tr. of: Histoire ancienne
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Tr. of: Histoire ancienne
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Translation of: Histoire ancienne des Égyptiens, des Carthaginois, des Assyriens, des Babyloniens.
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Tr. of: Histoire ancienne
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Mode of access: Internet.
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The 30,000 km2 province of Luristan is situated in western Iran and encompasses the upper valleys of the Zagros Mountains. Even today, local tribesmen inhabit Luristan with their settlement patterns similar to ancient times. Several scientific excavations in the Luristan region have uncovered evidence that this particular region was a major attraction for human settlements from the Paleolithic era onwards. In Ancient Iran, the existence of rich mines together with discoveries made by innovative and inventive artisans spurred the growth of the metalworking culture as an art and a skill among early human communities in Ancient Iran. The art of Luristan can be described as the art of nomadic herdsmen and horsemen with an emphasis on the crafting of small, easily portable objects, among these a number of bronze daggers, swords and other weapons. Throughout its history, Luristan was never an ethnic or political entity because Luristan has been occupied by various tribes and races, throughout its history. Next to Elamites, other tribes who inhabited Luristan were the Hurrians, Lullubians, Kutians, and Kassites. As local tribesmen of Luristan were illiterate, information about their history can only be partially reconstructed from the literature of their southern neighbors: the Elamites and Babylonians. Luristan smiths made weapons for both civilizations. The region was later invaded by Assyrians and finally the Iranians settled the area and absorbed the local tribes. Following an accidental find by the local inhabitants in Luristan in 1928 CE, a number of unlawful diggings reveal a number of metal objects made of bronze and iron that showed a high level of craftsmanship. These objects were offered for sale on the art market with fancy names to hide their origin. The subsequent scientific excavations several decades after the initial discovery provided fascinating information about the culture of Luristan. The metalworking art of Luristan spans a time period from the third millennium BC to the Iron Age. The artifacts from Luristan seem to possess many unique and distinctive qualities, and are especially noteworthy for the apparently endless, intricate diversity and detail that they characteristically depict. The bronze artifacts found in or attributed to Luristan can be each be classed under five separate heads: a) arms and armor, including swords, dirks, daggers, axes, mace heads, spearheads, shields, quiver plaques, protective bronze girdles, helmets; b) implements related to horsemanship, including decorative or ornamental objects for horses as well as bits and snaffles; c) items for personal adornment and hygiene, including anklets, bangles, bracelets, finger rings, earrings and tweezers; d) ceremonial and ritual objects, including talismans, idols, pins, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines; and e) utilitarian objects comprising various vessels and tools, including beakers, bowls and jugs. The scope of this article is limited to a discussion of the bronze and iron weapons made in Luristan. The techniques used for making bronze weapons in Luristan included: casting with open molds, casting with close molds, and casting with lost wax process. For metal sheets used for quiver plaques and bronze protective belts, the hammering technique was used. Edged weapons made in Luristan can be classified into: a) daggers, dirks, and swords with tangs; b) daggers, dirks, and swords with flanges; and c) daggers, dirks, and swords with cast-on hilts. Next to bronze, iron was also used for making weapons such as the characteristic weapon from this area, the iron mask sword.
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An unpublished tablet from the archive of Šumā descendant of Nappāu contains a possible Arabic personal name. The treatment of non-Babylonian personal names in this tablet and CTMMA 3 6 from the same archive differs from the treatment of Babylonian names suggesting that the scribe distinguished between the kin-groupaffiliated Babylonians and the non-Babylonians who lacked such affiliations.
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A seven volume set of books that cover the history of the Egyptians, Carthaginians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians, Grecians and Macedonians. Each of the volumes state that they are translated from the original French. The first volume begins with a memoir of the other Charles Rollin. The first volume also contains a note addressed to Mr.William Woodruff, thanking hime for the loan of the first 4 volumes and asking if he can loan the other volumes. The note is singed by Fred Goring in July of 1838. All volumes are stamped "The property of William Woodruff, St. Davids, Niagara" or "The property of William Woodruff, Niagara". See the full text of volumes 1-7 in the Brock University Special Collections and Archives.
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This work is a case study to investigate the dynamics of the historians thought as they produce a knowledge about the history of the area measurement systems as forms of historical expressions and representations. We refer to some of the ideas of David Bohm (1989, 1992, 1994, 1996) to support our theoretical understanding about the operation of thought. We chose a period that is recognized by the theorists as the origin of the geometrical thought -embracing the knowledge developed by the Egyptians, Babylonians, Chinese, Hindus, Greeks and Romans- and is referred to as containing a cycle in the development of this knowledge, described as beginning, apogee and decline. We assume this history, as told by the theorists, as a version that we organize and tell with the help of three sets of categories. The first refers to the elements that take part in the measurement practices; the second refers to the historians understanding about the development of the scientific knowledge. This exercise allowed us to extract the theorists main beliefs, that we criticized in the light of the knowledge about Cubação (Dal Pian, 1990). We stress the importance of the methodological approach adopted in this study to the teaching of Geometry and its history
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Como estudar uma cultura ou uma comunidade perdida nos tempos bíblicos? Esta é um questão motriz para o autor. Foi dessa maneira que surgiu o seu interesse em discutir a possibilidade do uso do mito cosmogônico para o entendimento da comunidade dos cativos judaítas em Babilônia. É uma iniciativa, que precisava ser trilhada pelos pesquisadores que se dispusessem ao estudo das culturas do mundo bíblico. Assim se elegeu o tema Mito Cosmogônico no Primeiro Testamento como instrumento de aprofundamento da pesquisa bíblica. O mito é uma escolha mais ou menos óbvia, pela sua capacidade de funcionar como paradigma, pragmática e traditiva contra-hegemônica dentro de um contexto social interétnico. Estas eram ponderações vindas de matrizes como a do fenomenólogo Mircea Eliade, do Antropólogo Roger Bastide e do teólogo e fenomenólogo José Severino Croatto. É por isto que um paralelo é traçado entre o mito de Marduk e o texto de Isaías 51, 9-11, que fala de Javé como sendo criador do mundo e que luta contra as forças do caos. Isto é feito, com vistas à percepção da profecia do Isaías do exílio, como parentesco e sua justaposição com a mitologia babilônica, e ambos se aproximam bastante de forma sintagmática e histórico-social. Coube ainda saber se a profecia do Dêutero-Isaías atuava da mesma maneira que o poema Enuma elish funcionava para os babilônicos. Ou seja, fazia-se surgir modelos sociais às comunidades de escravos dentro do Império Neobabilônico; se com base nestes cânticos, os cativos conseguiam construir um ordenamento para as suas comunidades, que gozavam de uma relativa autonomia, tais como colônias e guetos ; se de posse dessa ousada profecia, os judeus da golah eram capazes de elaborar uma desobediência cívil nos termos de um nutrir nos corações, uma utopia que rompesse com o status quo do passado, comprometendo-os com a esperança no Javé criador.(AU)
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Como estudar uma cultura ou uma comunidade perdida nos tempos bíblicos? Esta é um questão motriz para o autor. Foi dessa maneira que surgiu o seu interesse em discutir a possibilidade do uso do mito cosmogônico para o entendimento da comunidade dos cativos judaítas em Babilônia. É uma iniciativa, que precisava ser trilhada pelos pesquisadores que se dispusessem ao estudo das culturas do mundo bíblico. Assim se elegeu o tema Mito Cosmogônico no Primeiro Testamento como instrumento de aprofundamento da pesquisa bíblica. O mito é uma escolha mais ou menos óbvia, pela sua capacidade de funcionar como paradigma, pragmática e traditiva contra-hegemônica dentro de um contexto social interétnico. Estas eram ponderações vindas de matrizes como a do fenomenólogo Mircea Eliade, do Antropólogo Roger Bastide e do teólogo e fenomenólogo José Severino Croatto. É por isto que um paralelo é traçado entre o mito de Marduk e o texto de Isaías 51, 9-11, que fala de Javé como sendo criador do mundo e que luta contra as forças do caos. Isto é feito, com vistas à percepção da profecia do Isaías do exílio, como parentesco e sua justaposição com a mitologia babilônica, e ambos se aproximam bastante de forma sintagmática e histórico-social. Coube ainda saber se a profecia do Dêutero-Isaías atuava da mesma maneira que o poema Enuma elish funcionava para os babilônicos. Ou seja, fazia-se surgir modelos sociais às comunidades de escravos dentro do Império Neobabilônico; se com base nestes cânticos, os cativos conseguiam construir um ordenamento para as suas comunidades, que gozavam de uma relativa autonomia, tais como colônias e guetos ; se de posse dessa ousada profecia, os judeus da golah eram capazes de elaborar uma desobediência cívil nos termos de um nutrir nos corações, uma utopia que rompesse com o status quo do passado, comprometendo-os com a esperança no Javé criador.(AU)
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Manuscript notebook, possibly kept by Harvard students, containing 17th century English transcriptions of arithmetic and geometry texts, one of which is dated 1689-1690; 18th century transcriptions from John Ward’s “The Young Mathematician’s Guide”; and notes on physics lectures delivered by John Winthrop, the Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy at Harvard from 1738 to 1779. The notebook also contains 18th century reading notes on Henry VIII, Tudor succession, and English history from Daniel Neal’s “The History of the Puritans” and David Hume’s “History of England,” and notes on Ancient history, taken mainly from Charles Rollin’s “The Ancient History of the Egyptians, Carthaginians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians, Macedonians and Grecians.” Additionally included are an excerpt from Plutarch’s “Lives” and transcriptions of three articles from “The Gentleman’s Magazine, and Historical Chronicle,” published in 1769: “A Critique on the Works of Ovid”; a book review of “A New Voyage to the West-Indies”; and “Genuine Anecdotes of Celebrated Writers, &.” The flyleaf contains the inscription “Semper boni aliquid operis facito ut diabolus te semper inveniat occupatum,” a variation on a quote of Saint Jerome that translates approximately as “Always good to do some work so that the devil may always find you occupied.” In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Harvard College undergraduates often copied academic texts and lecture notes into personal notebooks in place of printed textbooks. Winthrop used Ward’s textbook in his class, while the books of Hume, Neal, and Rollin were used in history courses taught at Harvard in the 18th century.
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At head of title: The student's manual of Oriental history.