En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Voces verbales en el español de Argentina

El objetivo del trabajo es determinar si el uso de un grupo de verbos es propio del español de Argentina o si, por el contrario, se extiende a otros países hispanohablantes. Para ello, se analizan el proceso de derivación verbal, la semántica y el carácter neológico de las voces.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

International journal of engineering education

This work presents an analysis of the assessment tools used by professors at the Universitat Politécnica de Catalunya to assess the generic competencies introduced in the Bachelor’s Degrees in Engineering. In order to conduct this study, a survey was designed and administered anonymously to a sample of the professors most receptive to educational innovation at their own university. All total, 80 professors responded to this survey, of whom 26% turned out to be members of the university’s own evaluation innovation group (https://www.upc.edu/rima/grups/grapa), GRAPA. This percentage represents 47% of the total GRAPA membership, meaning that nearly half of the professors most concerned about evaluation at the university chose to participate. The analysis of the variables carried out using the statistical program SPSS v19 shows that for practically 49% of those surveyed, rubrics are the tools most commonly used to assess generic competencies integrated in more specific ones. Of those surveyed, 60% use them either frequently or always. The most frequently evaluated generic competencies were teamwork (28%), problem solving (26%), effective oral and written communication (24%) and autonomous learning (13%), all of which constitute commonly recognized competencies in the engineering profession. A two-dimensional crosstabs analysis with SPSS v19 shows a significant correlation (Asymp. Sig. 0.001) between the type of tool used and the competencies assessed. However, no significant correlation was found between the type of assessment tool used and the type of subject, type of evaluation (formative or summative), frequency of feedback given to the students or the degree of student satisfaction, and thus none of these variables can be considered to have an influence on the kind of assessment tool used. In addition, the results also indicate that there are no significant differences between the instructors belonging to GRAPA and the rest of those surveyed

Internet-based breast cancer patient’s pathway as an empowering patient educational tool

This three-phase study was conducted to examine the effect of the Breast Cancer Patient’s Pathway program (BCPP) on breast cancer patients’ empowering process from the viewpoint of the difference between knowledge expectations and perceptions of received knowledge, knowledge level, quality of life, anxiety and treatment-related side effects during the breast cancer treatment process. The BCPP is an Internet-based patient education tool describing a flow chart of the patient pathway during the breast treatment process, from breast cancer diagnostic tests to the follow-up after treatments. The ultimate goal of this study was to evaluate the effect of the BCPP to the breast cancer patient’s empowerment by using the patient pathway as a patient education tool. In phase I, a systematic literature review was carried out to chart the solutions and outcomes of Internet-based educational programs for breast cancer patients. In phase II, a Delphi study was conducted to evaluate the usability of web pages and adequacy of their content. In phase III, the BCPP program was piloted with 10 patients and patients were randomised to an intervention group (n=50) and control group (n=48). According to the results of this study, the Internet is an effective patient education tool for increasing knowledge, and BCPP can be used as a patient education method supporting other education methods. However, breast cancer patients’ perceptions of received knowledge were not fulfilled; their knowledge expectations exceed the perceived amount of received knowledge. Although control group patients’ knowledge expectations were met better with the knowledge they received in hospital compared to the patients in the intervention group, no statistical differences were found between the groups in terms of quality of life, anxiety and treatment-related side effects. However, anxiety decreased faster in the intervention group when looking at internal differences between the groups at different measurement times. In the intervention group the relationship between the difference between knowledge expectations and perceptions of received knowledge correlated significantly with quality of life and anxiety. Their knowledge level was also significant higher than in the control group. These results support the theory that the empowering process requires patient’s awareness of knowledge expectations and perceptions of received knowledge. There is a need to develop patient education to meet patients’ perceptions of received knowledge, including oral and written education and BCPP, to fulfil patient’s knowledge expectations and facilitate the empowering process. Further research is needed on the process of cognitive empowerment with breast cancer patients. There is a need for new patient education methods to increase breast cancer patients’ awareness of knowing.

La traduction des motifs sonores dans les littératures africaines europhones comme réactivation du patrimoine poétique maternel

Plusieurs monographies récentes se sont intéressées à la traduction des littératures africaines europhones (Gyasi 2006, Bandia 2008, Batchelor 2009), faisant valoir le concept d’autotraduction (au sens métaphorique) et insistant sur le fait que ces écritures sont porteuses d’une oralité ou de marques linguistiques issues des langues parlées par les écrivains. Toutefois, la question de l’hybridité comme point de jonction entre littératures orales et écrites a encore rarement été examinée sous un angle poétique et c’est précisément dans cet esprit que cette recherche a été entreprise. Dans un premier temps, à partir des ouvrages originaux de six auteurs, trois d’expression littéraire anglaise (Farah, Hove et Armah) et trois d’expression littéraire française (Waberi, Adiaffi et Djebar), je montre en quoi ces écritures méritent d’être qualifiées de poétiques avant de mettre cette esthétique en relation avec le patrimoine littéraire de chacun des auteurs du corpus; ponctuellement, d’autres affiliations littéraires sont mises en évidence. Cette poétique est examinée dans sa dimension mélopoéique (Pound 1954), c’est-à-dire sous l’angle des structures audibles, appelées aussi figures de style jouant sur la forme phonétique des mots (Klein-Lataud 2001). Dans un second temps, j’examine comment cette poétique sonore a été recréée, tant de manière qualitative que quantitative, dans les traductions de Bardolph, de Richard et de J. et R. Mane (pour les auteurs d’expression anglaise) et de Garane, de Katiyo et de Blair (pour les auteurs d’expression française). Les enjeux associés à la réactivation des structures poétiques sonores sont mis en évidence dans le dernier chapitre qui propose un tour d’horizon des modalités de « consommation » de l’objet littéraire et qui s’achève sur les questions soulevées par la progression du livre audio. La méthodologie élaborée dans ce cadre s’inspire essentiellement de Berman (1995) et de Henry (2003). La conceptualisation de la poétique sonore, telle que mise en œuvre dans le contexte particulier de ces littératures, fait appel aux paradigmes de valence traductive (Folkart 2007) et de traduction métonymique (Tymoczko 1999). Par ailleurs, cette recherche s’appuie sur la récente thèse de doctorat de Fraser (2007) consacrée à la théorisation du sonore en traduction.

Le conservatisme comme épistémologie : le cas de la tradition conservatrice canadienne

Nous chercherons à nous enquérir du statut de la relation à la fois délicate et complexe du conservateur avec la connaissance politique rendue possible par l’entremise de sa raison, théorique et pratique. Nous travaillerons d’abord à faire ressortir les dispositions épistémologiques du conservateur qui débouchent typiquement sur l’antirationalisme et le scepticisme. Nous procèderons ensuite à l’examen des conséquences, sur le plan de l’action politique, de la conception conservatrice de la connaissance, conséquences qui amènent souvent ses partisans à adopter une posture politique distinctement pessimiste. Nous parcourrons finalement la lecture conservatrice de l’histoire politique canadienne dans l’objectif d’éclairer notre étude subséquente d’un certain nombre d’attitudes épistémologiques et politiques conservatrices particulières, dont ont tour à tour fait preuve diverses figures de proue de la tradition conservatrice canadienne. Au terme de notre enquête, nous espérons proposer un nouvel angle d’étude du conservatisme, celui de l’épistémologie, capable d’améliorer notre compréhension, et notre évaluation, des entreprises politiques et morales du mouvement conservateur canadien.

La communauté du dehors : imaginaire social et représentations du crime au Québec (XIXe-XXe siècle)

La société québécoise a, comme toutes les sociétés, ses crimes et criminels légendaires. Or, si ces faits divers célèbres ont fait l’objet, dans les dernières décennies, de quelques reconstitutions historiographiques, on connaît beaucoup moins, en revanche, le mécanisme de leur légendarisation, le processus historique et culturel par lequel ils passent du « fait divers » au fait mémorable. C’est d’abord ce processus que s’attache à étudier cette thèse de doctorat, qui porte sur quatre crimes célèbres des XVIIIe et XIXe siècles (le meurtre du seigneur de Kamouraska [1839] ainsi que les crimes commis par « la Corriveau » [1763], par le « docteur l’Indienne » [1829] et par les « brigands du Cap-Rouge » [1834-1835]) : pour chacun de ces cas particuliers, l’analyse reconstitue la généalogie des représentations du crime et du criminel de manière à retracer la fabrication et l’évolution d’une mémoire collective. Celles-ci font chaque fois intervenir un système complexe de discours : au croisement entre les textes de presse, les récits issus de la tradition orale et les textes littéraires, l’imaginaire social fabrique, à partir de faits criminels ordinaires, de grandes figures antagoniques, incarnations du mal ou avatars du diable. Ce vaste processus d’antagonisation est en fait largement tributaire d’une époque (le XIXe siècle) où, dans les sociétés occidentales, le « crime » se trouve soudainement placé au cœur de toutes les préoccupations sociales et politiques : l’époque invente un véritable engouement littéraire pour le crime de même que tout un arsenal de savoirs spécialisés, d’idées nouvelles et de technologies destinées à connaître, mesurer et enrayer la criminalité. Dès les premières décennies du XIXe siècle, le phénomène se propage de ce côté-ci de l’Atlantique. Dans la foulée, les grands criminels qui marquent la mémoire collective sont appelés à devenir des ennemis imaginaires particulièrement rassembleurs : figures d’une altérité radicale, ils en viennent à constituer le repoussoir contre lequel, à partir du XIXe siècle, s’est en partie instituée la société québécoise.

La influencia de factores educativos y familiares sobre el aprendizaje de una segunda lengua, y los efectos sobre la inteligencia y cognición

Actualmente, la investigación científica acerca de la influencia de los factores educativos y familiares en el aprendizaje de una segunda lengua (L2) es limitada. En comparación, los efectos que tiene la L2 en la inteligencia y cognición han sido más estudiados. Por esta razón, el artículo presenta una revisión de la literatura empírica existente que relaciona lo mencionado anteriormente, ampliando así la temática del bilingüismo. Se buscaron artículos en cuatro bases de datos (PSICODOC, ISI Web of knowledge y SCOPUS), usando palabras claves específicas, en el periodo de 1990 hasta el 2012. De 79 artículos encontrados, 34 cumplieron con los criterios de inclusión para la revisión. Asimismo, se tuvieron en cuenta dos libros, de los cuales se revisó un capítulo por cada uno según los mismos criterios. En conjunto, los resultados arrojaron importantes datos teóricos y de investigación que relacionan el éxito en el aprendizaje de una L2 con la inteligencia y cognición, según la influencia de los factores educativos y familiares. En conclusión, se identificaron más factores educativos que familiares; lo cual a concepto de la autora evidencia la limitada investigación que se ha hecho sobre los factores familiares en el bilingüismo actualmente.

Normas de terminación para la palabra final de oraciones en español para niños mexicanos

Las normas de terminación de oraciones son un recurso valioso para los investigadores interesados en el estudio de los efectos que tiene un contexto sobre los procesos de reconocimiento de palabras, y la comprensión del lenguaje en general. Este estudio presenta las normas de terminación para la palabra final de 278 oraciones en español para niños mexicanos, obtenidas a través del método de cloze, en una muestra de 420 estudiantes (226 niños y 194 niñas) de 9 a 12 años de edad del 4º al 6º grado de primarias públicas del Estado de México. La tarea de los niños consistió en leer cada una de las oraciones y completarlas con una palabra al cierre. Se calculó la probabilidad de cierre de cada palabra respondida para cada uno de los contextos, de acuerdo a las respuestas de los niños. Aunque el corpus incluyó oraciones con diferentes restricciones contextuales, la respuesta de los sujetos mostró un mayor número de oraciones con alta probabilidad de cierre. Este material puede ser utilizado en la investigación sobre la comprensión del lenguaje tanto auditivo como escrito en niños.

Els ambients al CEIP Son Basca

Aquest article es va escriure el 2009. Des de llavors, les autores han anat fent cam?? realitzant modificacions de diferents aspectes per tal d'adaptar-se a les necessitats i demandes dels infants. Actualment, no es treballen aquests mateixos ambients ja que s???ha anat perfilant la filosofia de feina com a equip de cicle i com a centre.

Procedural Meaning Explicatures in the Development of New Subordination Strategies in Romance

The sociocultural changes that led to the genesis of Romance languages widened the gap between oral and written patterns, which display different discoursive and linguistic devices. In early documents, discoursive implicatures connecting propositions were not generally codified, so that the reader should furnish the correct interpretation according to his own perception of real facts; which can still be attested in current oral utterances. Once Romance languages had undergone several levelling processes which concluded in the first standardizations, implicatures became explicatures and were syntactically codified by means of univocal new complex conjunctions. As a consequence of the emergence of these new subordination strategies, a freer distribution of the information conveyed by the utterances is allowed. The success of complex structural patterns ran alongside of the genesis of new narrative genres and the generalization of a learned rhetoric. Both facts are a spontaneous effect of new approaches to the act of reading. Ancient texts were written to be read to a wide audience, whereas those printed by the end of the XV th century were conceived to be read quietly, in a low voice, by a private reader. The goal of this paper is twofold, since we will show that: a) The development of new complex conjunctions through the history of Romance languages accommodates to four structural patterns that range from parataxis to hypotaxis. b) This development is a reflex of the well known grammaticalization path from discourse to syntax that implies the codification of discoursive strategies (Givón 2 1979, Sperber and Wilson 1986, Carston 1988, Grice 1989, Bach 1994, Blackemore 2002, among others]

Aprender a ler, aprender a conviver: aprendizagem da leitura como veículo para a socialização

O trabalho apresentado é decorrente do Projeto de Intervenção realizado no âmbito do Curso de 2º Ciclo em Educação Especial – domínio cognitivo e motor, da Universidade Lusófona de Humanidades e Tecnologias. Resumo A referida intervenção contempla a minimização das dificuldades apresentadas por uma menina a nível da leitura e escrita e da sua socialização, numa perspetiva inclusiva. M. é o nome fictício da aluna alvo da intervenção. Atualmente, frequenta o 3º ano de escolaridade numa escola pública, em Lisboa área da sua residência. A revisão da literatura vai sustentar e facilitar a compreensão clara e concisa da intervenção realizada e das posições defendidas sobre esta matéria. Deste modo, são tratados temas no âmbito da exclusão social e escolar, da escola Inclusiva e dos obstáculos que ainda encontramos nas escolas, dos preconceitos, dos alunos com necessidades educativas especiais, das adaptações curriculares, da aprendizagem cooperativa e diferenciação pedagógica, referimo-nos ainda às dificuldades de aprendizagem e, por último, à comunicação e à linguagem oral e escrita. Para obter informações sobre a M. e sobre o contexto da intervenção, bem como sobre todo o seu processo de inclusão escolar, utilizamos como suporte metodológico, a pesquisa documental, as entrevistas semi-diretivas à professora titular de turma e à professora de ensino especial, a observação naturalista, a sociometria e as notas de campo para se poder complementar as informações. A planificação global da intervenção foi elaborada a partir do relacionamento/ cruzamento dos dados que resultaram da análise da informação recolhida. Para uma intervenção fundamentada caracterizamos inicialmente o seu contexto escolar e familiar e posteriormente a M. Os princípios orientadores da intervenção realizada, assentam numa perspetiva de investigação para a ação, e tiveram presentes os objetivos definidos para a M. As atividades foram realizadas, numa perspetiva de aprendizagem muito estruturada, muito refletida e avaliada durante todo o processo, implicando todos os intervenientes. Esta intervenção, levou-nos a estimular práticas educativas, diferenciadas e inclusivas na turma, com a professora titular dessa turma e com a professora do ensino especial com os colegas da M.