938 resultados para election campaigns


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Objectives. We examined older people's attitudes about falls and implications for the design of fall-prevention awareness campaigns.

Methods
. We assessed data from (1) computer-assisted telephone surveys conducted in 2002 with Australians 60 years and older in Northern Rivers, New South Wales (site of a previous fall-prevention program; n=1601), and Wide Bay, Queensland (comparison community; n=1601), and (2) 8 focus groups (n=73).

Results. Participants from the previous intervention site were less likely than were comparison participants to agree that falls are not preventable (odds ratio [OR]=0.76; 95% confidence interval [Cl]=0.65, 0.90) and more likely to rate the prevention of falls a high priority (OR=1.31; 95% CI=1.09, 1.57). There was no difference between the groups for self-perceived risk of falls; more than 60% rated their risk as low. Those with a low perceived risk were more likely to be men, younger, partnered, and privately insured, and to report better health and no history of falls. Focus group data indicated that older people preferred messages that emphasized health and independence rather than falls.

Conclusions.
Although older people accepted traditional fall-prevention messages, most viewed them as not personally relevant. Messages that promote health and independence may be more effective.

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Designed to guide current and aspiring Public Relations professionals through the campaign development and implementation process. It illustrates the application of planning theory to real life scenarios to provide a practical approach for planning a successful campaign. M. Sheehan, Deakin University; R. Xavier, QUT.

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Aims of this Chapter:
• To understand the early foundations of public relations in Australia and New Zealand
• To examine the development of public relations through a campaign perspective

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Introduction: In 2006, the National Stroke Foundation of Australia launched the FAST (Face, Arm, Speech)/ Signs of Stroke (SOS) (5 symptom categories) campaigns designed to improve public awareness of stroke symptoms and the sense of urgency to present to hospital. However, there is little published review of how well such campaigns capture and describe the experience of stroke. This study aims to examine the awareness, content and language of the FAST/SOS campaigns by those experiencing stroke symptoms.
Methods: Interviews were conducted with either the stroke patient or a witness (incapacitated patients) whilst an inpatient at Box Hill or Maroondah Hospitals between August 2006 through April 2008. They were asked to describe awareness of campaigns, symptoms experienced (recorded verbatim and coded into campaign symptom categories) and to evaluate the descriptions of “Signs of Stroke” against their own experience (exact, somewhat, or not at all).
Results: Of 239 eligible stroke cases, 167 (70%) were interviewed (100 patients and 67 witnesses). Few (n= 20, 12%) were aware of the FAST campaign and only 16% recalled all three symptoms. Most recalled that it was “something” to do with the face, however facial droop (n=6) was less commonly experienced compared to speech impairments (n=16) and arm drift (n=13). FAST symptoms detected 84% (patients 77% and witnesses 94%) and SOS symptoms 100% of stroke patients. Patients not describing a FAST symptom (n=27) described: arm or hand numbness; hand incoordination; leg impairments; vision disturbances; or collapse. Approximately, half of patients and witnesses thought the SOS descriptions of the most commonly detected symptoms (arm/leg/face weakness or paralysis or numbness and speech impairments) exactly described the experience. Common language used to describe symptoms were: incoordination of hands or limbs; sudden difficulty walking; drooped/dropped face or mouth; slurred or loss of speech; pins and needles or tingling.
Conclusion: Both campaigns identified symptoms most commonly detected in those experiencing and reacting to symptoms. Both campaigns could portray symptoms more realistically using common descriptors without impacting on the simplicity of the messages

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The Victorian general election of 1859 occurred during a time of social transition and electoral reformation, which extended the vote to previously unrepresented adult males. Gold discoveries, including those on the Ovens, triggered the miners’ insistent demands for access to land and participation in the political process. The thesis identifies issues, which emerged during the election campaign on the Ovens goldfields, surrounding Beechworth. The struggle centred on the two Legislative Assembly seats for the Ovens and the one Legislative Council seat for the Murray District. Though the declared election issue was land reform, it concealed a range of underlying tensions, which divided the electorate along lines of nationality and religion. Complicating these tensions within the European community was the Chinese presence throughout the Ovens. The thesis suggests the historical memory of the French Revolution, the European Revolutions of 1848 and the Catholic versus Protestant revivals divided the Ovens goldfield community. The competing groups formed alliances; a Beechworth-centred grouping of traders, merchants and the Constitution’s editor, ensured the existing conservative agenda triumphed over those perceived radicals who sought reform. In the process the land hungry miners did not gain any political representation in the Legislative Assembly, while a prominent Catholic squatter who advocated limited land reform was defeated for the Legislative Council seat. Two daily Beechworth papers, Ovens and Murray Advertiser and its fierce competitor, the Constitution and Ovens Mining Intelligencer are the major primary sources for the thesis.

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Overall, as in 2001 and 2004, the print media provided substantial coverage of the election campaign; and, as in recent campaigns, the Prime Minister received greater coverage than the Opposition Leader. As in previous campaign coverage a small number of topics—including opinion polling—generated the majority of stories. Two features were different in the 2007 campaign, namely the gradual increase in the number of positive stories about the Opposition Leader; and an increase in the number of negative stories about and unflattering images of the Prime Minister.

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It is only in recent times that the magnitude of Ancient Mesopotamia’s contribution to language, agriculture, modern thought and urbane society has begun to be understood. Most relevant to this study is the governance of Mesopotamia’s early city-states by a political system that Jacobsen has termed ‘Primitive Democracy’ where “…ultimate political power rested with a general assembly of all adult freemen” (Jacobsen, 1977; 128). Yet, despite this, the coverage of Iraq in the Western media since its creation at the end of the First World War and particularly since the first Gulf War, has tended towards Orientalism (Said, 1978) by trivialising this nation and thereby reinforcing the hegemony of the West over the ‘backward, barbaric’ East.

This paper examines this issue further by comparing and contrasting the representations of the Iraqi election of January 30, 2005 in four of Australia’s leading daily newspapers (The Australian, The Courier-Mail, The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald) with four Middle Eastern English language papers (The Daily Star from Lebanon, Andolu Agency and Dunya both based in Turkey, and the eponymous Kuwait Times). In essence, it finds that while the Australian media posits democracy as a Western concept and asserts a discourse of US hegemony, the Middle Eastern papers are more contemplative, focusing on the impact that this election could have throughout the region.

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Throughout the coverage of Iraq since the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s and especially since September 11, the Western mainstream Media have eschewed key historical and contextual data about Iraq, thereby serving to reduce and homogenize the complexity of the issues surrounding the region and the conflicts therein. In so doing, the media has tended towards Orientalism (Said, 1978) by trivialising Iraq and its people and thereby reinforcing the hegemony of the West over the ‘backward, barbaric’ East. Building on earlier research (Isakhan, 2005a), this paper further examines the reductive and homogenising reporting of Iraq in the Western media by using both quantitative and qualitative assessment methods to compare and contrast the discursive practices used to construct the Iraqi election of December 15, 2005 in Australia’s leading daily newspapers with newspapers from the Middle East. In essence, it finds that while the Australian media propagates Orientalism through its one-eyed coverage, the Middle Eastern papers are more contemplative, focusing on the impact that this election could have throughout the region.

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