Análisis de los verbos prefijados con re- y su aplicación a la lexicografía

En este trabajo se estudia la relación entre la morfología y la lexicografía mediante el análisis de seis verbos prefijados con re-. Se comparan sus definiciones en tres diccionarios y se proponen nuevas definiciones siguiendo el modelo de entrada lexicográfica del Diccionario de Aprendizaje de Español como Lengua Extranjera.

Traducción comentada de Guidelines Governing the Adoption of Children, 2011 in India

En este trabajo se analiza la variación discursiva y los diferentes criterios de estilo entre textos jurídicos normativos en inglés y español; se establecen fenómenos lingüísticos propios del discurso jurídico que generan problemas de traducción; y se comparan algunas diferencias entre sistemas jurídicos y políticos para analizar su repercusión en la traducción.

Traducción comentada del ámbito biomédico:«La integración de los genomas»

El presente trabajo consiste en la traducción comentada de un artículo científico. Nuestros objetivos son reflexionar sobre las características y problemas de la traducción especializada, analizar las estrategias y las soluciones propuestas, y producir un texto meta ‘adecuado’ teniendo en cuenta la tipología textual y el ámbito al que pertenece.

Els manlleus en la revista “Time Out Barcelona”

El present treball constitueix un estudi i una anàlisi sobre les dades obtingudes del buidatge dels manlleus recollits en dos números de la revista catalana Time Out Barcelona. L’objectiu és aprofundir en el tema dels préstecs i extreure algunes conclusions sobre els tipus d’unitats manllevades i el seu tractament.

Postmodifying prepositional phrases in English and Spanish (with special reference to locative postmodifiers)

Prepositional phrases are the commonest kind of postmodification in all registers of English (Biber et al. 1999: 634). The locative ones that can be expanded into a defining relative clause (the books [which are] on the table) are usually expressed by such a construction in Spanish (los libros que están encima de la mesa) or by a phrase introduced by de (los libros de encima de la mesa). Wonder (1979) argues that Spanish allows locative phrases with prepositions other than de in the case of"situaciones"activas"" (el aterrizaje en pleno campo) as against"situaciones estáticas" (*el sofá en la sala), and if the phrase can be given an adverbial rather than, or in addition to, an adjectival interpretation (el ruido en la calle), especially if that phrase implies an alternative location for an object or contrast with another similar object (el sofá en la sala contigua). This paper further investigates this claim and looks at Spanish equivalents of English postmodifying prepositional phrases in general, while proposing an explanation for the choice of these different structures in Spanish based on considerations of lexical density. Resumen: Las frases preposicionales constituyen el tipo más frecuente de posmodificación en todos los registros del inglés (Biber et a. 1999: 634). En el español, las expresiones locativas suelen incorporar un pronombre relativo y un verbo (the books [which are] on the table > los libros que están encima de la mesa), o bien expresarse mediante una frase introducida por la preposición de (los libros de encima de la mesa). Wonder (1979) sostiene que el español permite el uso de preposiciones que no sean de en las frases locativas en el caso de"situaciones"activas"" (el aterrizaje en pleno campo) frente a"situaciones estáticas" (*el sofá en la sala), y también si la frase puede tener una función adverbial antes que, o además de, una interpretación adjetiva (el ruido en la calle), sobre todo si dicha frase encierra la idea de una posición alternativa para un objeto, o bien un contraste con otro objeto similar (el sofá en la sala contigua). El presente estudio pretende examinar este argumento y, además, explorar la posmodificación preposicional en español de un modo más general, a la par que propone una explicación sobre la elección de estructura en español que se basa en el criterio de la densidad léxica.

Plagiarism meets paraphrasing: insights for the new generation in automatic plagiarism detection

Although paraphrasing is the linguistic mechanism underlying many plagiarism cases, little attention has been paid to its analysis in the framework of automatic plagiarism detection. Therefore, state-of-the-art plagiarism detectors find it difficult to detect cases of paraphrase plagiarism. In this article, we analyse the relationship between paraphrasing and plagiarism, paying special attention to which paraphrase phenomena underlie acts of plagiarism and which of them are detected by plagiarism detection systems. With this aim in mind, we created the P4P corpus, a new resource which uses a paraphrase typology to annotate a subset of the PAN-PC-10 corpus for automatic plagiarism detection. The results of the Second International Competition on Plagiarism Detection were analysed in the light of this annotation. The presented experiments show that (i) more complex paraphrase phenomena and a high density of paraphrase mechanisms make plagiarism detection more difficult, (ii) lexical substitutions are the paraphrase mechanisms used the most when plagiarising, and (iii) paraphrase mechanisms tend to shorten the plagiarized text. For the first time, the paraphrase mechanisms behind plagiarism have been analysed, providing critical insights for the improvement of automatic plagiarism detection systems.

Textual autocorrelation : formalism and illustrations

Abstract Textual autocorrelation is a broad and pervasive concept, referring to the similarity between nearby textual units: lexical repetitions along consecutive sentences, semantic association between neighbouring lexemes, persistence of discourse types (narrative, descriptive, dialogal...) and so on. Textual autocorrelation can also be negative, as illustrated by alternating phonological or morpho-syntactic categories, or the succession of word lengths. This contribution proposes a general Markov formalism for textual navigation, and inspired by spatial statistics. The formalism can express well-known constructs in textual data analysis, such as term-document matrices, references and hyperlinks navigation, (web) information retrieval, and in particular textual autocorrelation, as measured by Moran's I relatively to the exchange matrix associated to neighbourhoods of various possible types. Four case studies (word lengths alternation, lexical repulsion, parts of speech autocorrelation, and semantic autocorrelation) illustrate the theory. In particular, one observes a short-range repulsion between nouns together with a short-range attraction between verbs, both at the lexical and semantic levels. Résumé: Le concept d'autocorrélation textuelle, fort vaste, réfère à la similarité entre unités textuelles voisines: répétitions lexicales entre phrases successives, association sémantique entre lexèmes voisins, persistance du type de discours (narratif, descriptif, dialogal...) et ainsi de suite. L'autocorrélation textuelle peut être également négative, comme l'illustrent l'alternance entre les catégories phonologiques ou morpho-syntaxiques, ou la succession des longueurs de mots. Cette contribution propose un formalisme markovien général pour la navigation textuelle, inspiré par la statistique spatiale. Le formalisme est capable d'exprimer des constructions bien connues en analyse des données textuelles, telles que les matrices termes-documents, les références et la navigation par hyperliens, la recherche documentaire sur internet, et, en particulier, l'autocorélation textuelle, telle que mesurée par le I de Moran relatif à une matrice d'échange associée à des voisinages de différents types possibles. Quatre cas d'étude illustrent la théorie: alternance des longueurs de mots, répulsion lexicale, autocorrélation des catégories morpho-syntaxiques et autocorrélation sémantique. On observe en particulier une répulsion à courte portée entre les noms, ainsi qu'une attraction à courte portée entre les verbes, tant au niveau lexical que sémantique.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Reconciling phonological neighborhood effects in speech production through single trial analysis

A crucial step for understanding how lexical knowledge is represented is to describe the relative similarity of lexical items, and how it influences language processing. Previous studies of the effects of form similarity on word production have reported conflicting results, notably within and across languages. The aim of the present study was to clarify this empirical issue to provide specific constraints for theoretical models of language production. We investigated the role of phonological neighborhood density in a large-scale picture naming experiment using fine-grained statistical models. The results showed that increasing phonological neighborhood density has a detrimental effect on naming latencies, and re-analyses of independently obtained data sets provide supplementary evidence for this effect. Finally, we reviewed a large body of evidence concerning phonological neighborhood density effects in word production, and discussed the occurrence of facilitatory and inhibitory effects in accuracy measures. The overall pattern shows that phonological neighborhood generates two opposite forces, one facilitatory and one inhibitory. In cases where speech production is disrupted (e.g. certain aphasic symptoms), the facilitatory component may emerge, but inhibitory processes dominate in efficient naming by healthy speakers. These findings are difficult to accommodate in terms of monitoring processes, but can be explained within interactive activation accounts combining phonological facilitation and lexical competition.

Analyzing hidden semantics in social bookmarking of open educational resources

Web 2.0 services such as social bookmarking allow users to manage and share the links they find interesting, adding their own tags for describingthem. This is especially interesting in the field of open educational resources, asdelicious is a simple way to bridge the institutional point of view (i.e. learningobject repositories) with the individual one (i.e. personal collections), thuspromoting the discovering and sharing of such resources by other users. In this paper we propose a methodology for analyzing such tags in order to discover hidden semantics (i.e. taxonomies and vocabularies) that can be used toimprove descriptions of learning objects and make learning object repositories more visible and discoverable. We propose the use of a simple statistical analysis tool such as principal component analysis to discover which tags createclusters that can be semantically interpreted. We will compare the obtained results with a collection of resources related to open educational resources, in order to better understand the real needs of people searching for open educational resources.

Facilitatory and interfering effects of neighbourhood density on speech production: Evidence from aphasic errors.

In a system where tens of thousands of words are made up of a limited number of phonemes, many words are bound to sound alike. This similarity of the words in the lexicon as characterized by phonological neighbourhood density (PhND) has been shown to affect speed and accuracy of word comprehension and production. Whereas there is a consensus about the interfering nature of neighbourhood effects in comprehension, the language production literature offers a more contradictory picture with mainly facilitatory but also interfering effects reported on word production. Here we report both of these two types of effects in the same study. Multiple regression mixed models analyses were conducted on PhND effects on errors produced in a naming task by a group of 21 participants with aphasia. These participants produced more formal errors (interfering effect) for words in dense phonological neighbourhoods, but produced fewer nonwords and semantic errors (a facilitatory effect) with increasing density. In order to investigate the nature of these opposite effects of PhND, we further analysed a subset of formal errors and nonword errors by distinguishing errors differing on a single phoneme from the target (corresponding to the definition of phonological neighbours) from those differing on two or more phonemes. This analysis confirmed that only formal errors that were phonological neighbours of the target increased in dense neighbourhoods, while all other errors decreased. Based on additional observations favouring a lexical origin of these formal errors (they exceeded the probability of producing a real-word error by chance, were of a higher frequency, and preserved the grammatical category of the targets), we suggest that the interfering effect of PhND is due to competition between lexical neighbours and target words in dense neighbourhoods.

Hemispheric language asymmetry in first episode psychosis and schizotypy : the role of cannabis consumption and cognitive disorganization

Cannabis use has been related to an elevated psychosis risk and attenuated cognitive functioning. Cannabis-related cognitive impairments are also observed in populations along the psychosis dimension. We here investigated whether a potential behavioural marker of the psychosis dimension (attenuated functional hemispheric asymmetry) is even further attenuated in individuals using cannabis (CU) versus those not using cannabis (nCU). We tested 29 patients with first episode psychosis (FEP; 11 CU) and 90 healthy controls (38 CU) on lateralized lexical decisions assessing left hemisphere language dominance. In patients, psychotic symptoms were assessed (PANSS). In controls, self-reported schizotypy was assessed (O-LIFE questionnaire). Results indicated that nCU FEP patients had a relative reduced hemispheric asymmetry, as did controls with increasing cognitive disorganisation scores, in particular when belonging to the group of nCU controls. Positive, disorganised and negative PANSS scores in patients and negative and positive schizotypy in controls were unrelated to hemispheric asymmetry. These findings suggest that cannabis use balances rather than exacerbates uncommon hemispheric laterality patterns. Moreover, in healthy populations, the potential stabilisation of typical hemispheric asymmetry in CU might be most relevant to individuals with elevated cognitive disorganisation. We discuss the potential beneficial and harmful effects of cannabis use along the psychosis dimension together with propositions for future studies that should account for the mediating role of additional substances (e.g. nicotine), cannabis composition (e.g. cannabidiol content), and individual differences (e.g. physical health, or absence of significant polysubstance use).

Vincenzo Monti traduttore di Voltaire : lingua e stile della "Pulcella d'Orléans"

RESUME : Cette étude est une analyse métrique et stylistique de La Pulcella d'Orléans de Vincenzo Monti - traduction-réécriture de l'homonyme poème de Voltaire, La Pucelle d'Orléans - commencée à Milan en 1798 et terminée à Chambéry, en Savoie, en 1799. Le texte italien a été considéré comme une version autonome par rapport au texte français, étant donné le particulier choix de réduire la composante philosophique et idéologique d'origine, et de mettre en relation le modèle avec une littérature italienne spécifique, principalement par l'adoption d'une grille strophique fortement marquée. La Pulcella est traduite en octaves, un mètre chevaleresque qui possède au moins depuis trois siècles sa propre "grammaire" ainsi qu'une formidable tradition de référence. De plus, avec sa traduction, l'auteur a voulu mettre l'accent sur les aspects de l'histoire les plus amusantes et provocatrices de Jeanne d'Arc - déjà narrée par Voltaire avec un ton ironique et irrévérencieux - dans le but d'une grande expérimentation au niveau de la langue, de la métrique et de la syntaxe. La traduction de la Pucelle est en effet liée à une dimension hédonistique et livresque: elle n'est pas un prétexte pour connaitre une oeuvre étrangère, ni un texte conçu pour être publiée; il s'agit plutôt d'un exercice personnel, un divertissement privé, demeuré dans le tiroir de l'auteur. Alors que pour Voltaire le but principal du poème est la polémique idéologique du fond, exprimée par un registre fort satirique, pour Monti la réécriture est un jeu stylistique, une complaisance littéraire, qui repose autant sur les composantes désacralisantes et provocatrices que sur les éléments poétiques et idylliques. Le modèle français est donc retravaillé, en premier lieu, au niveau du ton: d'un côté la traduction réduit l'horizon idéologique et la perspective historique des événements; de l'autre elle accroît les aspects les plus hédonistiques et ludiques de Voltaire, par la mise en évidence de l'élément comique, plus coloré et ouvert. En raison de la dimension intime de cette traduction, de nos jours la tradition de la Pulcella italienne se fonde sur trois témoins manuscrits seulement, dont un retrouvé en 1984 et qui a rouvert le débat philologique. Pour ma thèse j'ai utilisé l'édition critique qu'on possède à présent, imprimée en 1982 sous la direction de M. Mari et G. Barbarisi, qui se fonde seulement sur deux témoins du texte; de toute façon mon travail a essayé de considérer aussi en compte le nouvel autographe découvert. Ce travail de thèse sur la Pulcella est organisé en plusieurs chapitres qui reflètent la structure de l'analyse, basée sur les différents niveaux d'élaboration du texte. Au début il y a une introduction générale, où j'ai encadré les deux versions, la française et l'italienne, dans l'histoire littéraire, tout en donnant des indications sur la question philologique relative au texte de Monti. Ensuite, les chapitres analysent quatre aspects différents de la traduction: d'abord, les hendécasyllabes du poème: c'est à dire le rythme des vers, la prosodie et la distribution des différents modules rythmiques par rapport aux positions de l'octave. La Pucelle de Voltaire est en effet écrite en décasyllabes, un vers traditionnellement assez rigide à cause de son rythme coupé par la césure; dans la traduction le vers français est rendu par la plus célèbre mesure de la tradition littéraire italienne, l'endécasyllabe, un vers qui correspond au décasyllabe seulement pour le nombre de syllabes, mais qui présente une majeure liberté rythmique pour la disposition des accents. Le deuxième chapitre considère le mètre de l'octave, en mettant l'accent sur l'organisation syntaxique interne des strophes et sur les liens entre elles ; il résulte que les strophes sont traitées de manière différente par rapport à Voltaire. En effet, au contraire des octaves de Monti, la narration française se développe dans chaque chant en une succession ininterrompue de vers, sans solutions de continuité, en délinéant donc des structures textuelles très unitaires et linéaires. Le troisième chapitre analyse les enjambements de la Pulcella dans le but de dévoiler les liaisons syntactiques entre les verses et les octaves, liaisons presque toujours absentes en Voltaire. Pour finir, j'ai étudié le vocabulaire du poème, en observant de près les mots les plus expressives quant à leur côté comique et parodique. En effet, Monti semble exaspérer le texte français en utilisant un vocabulaire très varié, qui embrasse tous les registres de la langue italienne: de la dimension la plus basse, triviale, populaire, jusqu'au niveau (moins exploité par Voltaire) lyrique et littéraire, en vue d'effets de pastiche comique et burlesque. D'après cette analyse stylistique de la traduction, surgit un aspect très intéressant et unique de la réécriture de Monti, qui concerne l'utilisation soit de l'endécasyllabe, soit de l'octave, soit du vocabulaire du texte. Il s'agit d'un jeu constant sur la voix - ou bien sur une variation continue des différents plans intonatives - et sur la parole, qui devient plus expressive, plus dense. En effet, la lecture du texte suppose une variation mélodique incessante entre la voix de l'auteur (sous forme de la narration et du commentaire) et la voix de personnages, qu'on entend dans les nombreux dialogues; mais aussi une variation de ton entre la dimension lexical littéraire et les registres les plus baissés de la langue populaire. Du point de vue de la syntaxe, par rapport au modèle français (qui est assez monotone et linéaire, basé sur un ordre syntactique normal, sur le rythme régulier du decasyllabe et sur un langage plutôt ordinaire), Monti varie et ennoblit le ton du discours à travers des mouvements syntaxiques raffinés, des constructions de la période plus ou moins réguliers et l'introduction de propositions à cheval des vers. Le discours italien est en effet compliquée par des interruptions continues (qui ne se réalisent pas dans des lieux canoniques, mais plutôt dans la première partie du vers ou en proximité de la pointe) qui marquent des changements de vitesse dans le texte (dialogues, narration, commentaires): ils se vérifient, en somme, des accélérations et des décélérations continues du récit ainsi qu'un jeu sur les ouvertures et fermetures de chaque verse. Tout se fait à travers une recherche d'expressivité qui, en travaillant sur la combinaison et le choc des différents niveaux, déstabilise la parole et rend l'écriture imprévisible.